a believer and as a statesman,) but to make a league between all the grand divisions of that name; to protect and to cherish them all; and by no means to proscribe in any manner, more or less, any member of our common party? The divisions which formerly prevailed in the church, with all their overdone zeal, only purified and ventilated our common faith; because there was no common enemy arrayed and embattled to take advantage of their dissensions: but now nothing but inevitable ruin will be the consequence of our quarrels. I think we may dispute, rail, persecute and provoke the catholics out of their prejudices; but it is not in ours they will take refuge. If any thing is, one more than another, out of the power of man, it is to create a prejudice. Somebody has said, that a king may make a nobleman, but he cannot make a gentleman.

All the principal religions in Europe stand upon one common bottom. The support that the whole, or the favoured parts, may have, in the secret dispensations of Providence, it is impossible to tell; but, humanly speaking, they are all prescriptive religions. They have all stood long enough to make prescription, and its chain of legitimate prejudices, their main stay. The people, who compose the four grand divisions of Christianity, have now their religion as an habit, and upon authority, and not on disputation; as all men, who have their religion derived from their parents, and the fruits of education, must have it; however, the one, more than the other, may be able to reconcile his faith to his own reason, or to that of other men. Depend upon it, they must all be supported, or they must all fall in the crash of a common ruin. The catholics are the far more numerous part of the Christians in your country; and how can Christianity (that is now the point in issue) be supported, under the persecution, or even under the discountenance, of the greater number of Christians? It is a great truth, and which in one of the debates, I stated as strongly as I could to the house of commons in the last session, that if the catholic religion is destroyed by the infidels, it is a most contemptible and absurd idea, that this, or any protestant church, can survive that event. Therefore, my humble and decided opinion is, that all the three religions, prevalent more or less in various parts of these islands, ought all, in subordination to the legal establishments, as they stand in the several countries, to be all countenanced, protected and cherished; and that in Ireland particularly, the Roman catholic religion should be

upheld in high respect and veneration; and should be, in its place, provided with all the means of making it a blessing to the people who profess it. That it ought to be cherished as a good, (though not as the most preferable good, if a choice was now to be made,) and not tolerated as an inevitable evil. If this be my opinion as to the catholic religion, as a sect, you must see, that I must be to the last degree averse to put a man, upon that account, upon a bad footing, with relation to the pri vileges which the fundemental laws of this country give him as a subject. I am the more serious on the positive encouragement to be given to this religion, (always, however, as secondary,) because the serious and earnest belief and practice of it by its professors forms, as things stand, the most effectual barrier, if not the sole barrier, against jacobinism. The catholics form the great body of the lower ranks of your community; and no small part of those classes of the middling that come nearest to them. You know, that the seduction of that part of mankind from the principles of religion, morality, subordination, and social order, is the great object of the Jacobins. Let them grow lax, sceptical, careless, and indifferent with regard to religion, and so sure as we have an existence, it is not a zealous Anglican or Scottish church principle, but direct jacobinism which will enter into that breach. Two hundred years dreadfully spent in experiments to force that people to change the form of their religion, have proved fruitless. You have now your choice for full four-fifths of your people, of the catholic religion or jacobinism. If things appear to you to stand on this alternative, I think you will not be long in making your option.

You have made, as you naturally do, a very able analysis of powers; and have separated, as the things are separable, civil from political powers. You start too a question, whether the civil can be secured, without some share in the political. For my part, as abstract questions, I should find some difficulty in an attempt to resolve them. But as applied to the state of Ireland, to the form of our com monwealth, to the parties that divide us, and to the dispositions of the leading men in those parties, I cannot hesitate to lay before you my opinion, that whilst any kind of discouragements and disqualifications remain on the catholics, an handle will be made, by a factious power, utterly to defeat the benefits of any civil rights they may apparently possess. I need not go to very remote times for my examples. It was within the course of about a twelve

month, that after parliament had been led into a step, quite unparalleled in its records, after they had resisted all concession and even hearing, with an obstinacy equal to any thing that could have actuated a party domination in the second or eighth of Queen Anne,-after the strange adventure of the grand juries, and after parliament had listened to the sovereign pleading for the emancipation of his subjects;-it was after all this, that such a grudging and discontent was expressed, as must justly have alarmed, as it did extremely alarm, the whole of the catholic body: and I remember but one period in my whole life, (I mean the savage period between 1761 and 1767,) in which they have been more harshly or contumeliously treated, than since the last partial enlargement. And thus I am convinced it will be, by paroxysms, as long as any stigma remains on them, and whilst they are considered as no better than half citizens. If they are kept such for any length of time, they will be made whole jacobins. Against this grand and dreadful evil of our time (I do not love to cheat myself or others) I do not know any solid security whatsoever. But I am quite certain that what will come nearest to it, is to interest as many as you can in the present order of things; religiously, civilly, politically, by all the ties and principles by which mankind are held. This is like to be effectual policy: I am sure it is honourable policy: and it is better to fail, if fail we must, in the paths of direct and manly, than of low and crooked wisdom. As to the capacity of sitting in parliament, after all the capacities for voting, for the army, for the navy, for the professions, for civil offices, it is a dispute de land caprina, in my poor opinion; at least on the part of those who oppose it. In the first place, this admission to office, and this exclusion from parliament, on the principle of an exclusion from political power, is the very reverse of the principle of the English test act. If I were to form a judgment from experience rather than theory, I should doubt much whether the capacity for, or even the possession of a seat in parliament, did really convey much of power to be properly called political. I have sat there

with some observation, for nine-and-twenty years, or thereabouts. The power of a member of parliament is uncertain and indirect: and if power rather than splendour and fame were the object, I should think that any of the principal clerks in office, to say nothing of their superiours, (several of whom are disqualified by law for seats in parliament,) possess far more power than nine-tenths of the members of the house of commons. I might say this of men who seemed from their fortunes, their weight in their country, and their talents, to be persons of figure there; and persons too not in opposition to the prevailing party in government.

But be they what they will, on a fair canvass of the several prevalent parliamentary interests in Ireland, I cannot, out of the three hundred members, of whom the Irish parliament is composed, discover that above three, or at the utmost four catholics, would be returned to the house of commons. But suppose they should amount to thirty, that is to a tenth part, (a thing I hold impossible for a long series of years, and never very likely to happen,) what is this to those, who are to balance them in the one house, and the clear and settled majority in the other? For I think it absolutely impossible, that in the course of many years, above four or five peers should be created at that communion. In fact, the exclusion of them seems to me only to mark jealousy and suspicion, and not to provide security in any way. But I return to the old ground. The danger is not there :-these are things long since done away. The grand controversy is no longer between you and them. Forgive this length. My pen has insensibly run on. You are yourself to blame, if you are much fatigued. I congratulate you on the auspicious opening of your session. Surely Great Britain and Ireland ought to join in wreathing a never-fading garland, for the head of Grattan. Adieu! my dear Sir-good nights to you! I never can have any.

Yours always most sincerely,

Jan. 29th, 1795, Twelve at night.

EDMUND BURKE.

MY DEAR SIR,

If I am not as early as I ought to be in my acknowledgments for your very kind letter, pray do me the justice to attribute my failure to its natural and but too real cause, a want of the most ordinary power of exertion, owing to the impressions made upon an old and infirm constitution by private misfortune and by public calamity. It is true, I make occasional efforts to rouse myself to something betterbut I soon relapse into that state of languor, which must be the habit of my body and understanding, to the end of my short and cheerless existence in this world.

I am sincerely grateful for your kindness in connecting the interest you take in the sentiments of an old friend, with the able part you take in the service of your country. It is an instance, among many, of that happy temper, which has always given a character of amenity to your virtues, and a good-natured direction to your talents.

Your speech on the catholic question I read with much satisfaction. It is solid; it is convincing; it is eloquent; and it ought, on the spot, to have produced that effect, which its reason, and that contained in the other excellent speeches on the same side of the question, cannot possibly fail (though with less pleasant consequences) to produce hereafter. What a sad thing it is, that the grand instructor, Time, has not yet been able to teach the grand lesson, of his own value; and that in every question of moral and political prudence, it is the choice of the moment which renders the measure serviceable or useless, noxious or salutary.

In the catholic question I considered only one point. Was it, at the time, and in the circumstances, a measure which tended to promote the concord of the citizens? I have no difficulty in saying it was; and as little in saying, that the present concord of the citizens was worth buying, at a critical season, by granting a few capacities which probably no one man now living is likely to be served or hurt by. When any man tells you and me, that, if these places were left in the discretion of a protestant crown, and these memberships in the discretion of protestant electors, or pa

trons, we should have a popish official system, and a popish representation, capable of overturning the establishment, he only insults our understandings. When any man tells this to catholics, he insults their understandings, and he galls their feelings. It is not the question of the places and seats; it is the real hostile disposition, and the pretended fears, that leave stings in the minds of the people. I really thought, that in the total of the late circumstances, with regard to persons, to things, to principles, and to measures, was to be found a conjuncture favourable to the introduction, and to the perpetuation of a general harmony, producing a general strength, which to that hour Ireland was never so happy as to enjoy. My sanguine hopes are blasted, and I must consign my feelings on that terrible disappointment, to the same patience in which I have been obliged to bury the vexation I suffered on the defeat of the other great, just, and honourable causes in which I have had some share; and which have given more of dignity, than of peace and advantage, to a long laborious life. Though, perhaps, a want of success might be urged as a reason for making me doubt of the justice of the part I have taken, yet, until I have other lights than one side of the debate has furnished me, I must see things, and feel them too, as I see and feel them. I think I can hardly overrate the malignity of the principles of protestant ascendancy, as they affect Ireland; or of indianism, as they affect these countries, and as they affect Asia; or of jacobinism, as they affect all Europe, and the state of human society itself. The last is the greatest evil. But it readily combines with the others, and flows from them. Whatever breeds discontent at this time, will produce that great master-mischief most infallibly. Whatever tends to persuade the people, that the few, called by whatever name you please, religious or political, are of opinion, that their interest is not compatible with that of the many, is a great point gained to jacobinism. Whatever tends to irritate the talents of a country, which have at all times, and at these particularly, a mighty influence on the public mind, is of infinite service to

that formidable cause. Unless where heaven has mingled uncommon ingredients of virtue in the composition-quos meliore Luto finxit præcordia Titan-talents naturally gravitate to jacobinism. Whatever ill humours are afloat in the state, they will be sure to discharge themselves, in a mingled torrent, in the cloaca maxima of jacobinism. Therefore people ought well to look about them. First, the physicians are to take care that they do nothing to irritate this epidemical distemper. It is a foolish thing to have the better of the patient in a dispute. The complaint or its cause ought to be removed, and wise and lenient arts ought to precede the measures of vigour. They ought to be the ultima, not the prima, not the tota ratio of a wise government. God forbid, that on a worthy occasion authority should want the means of force or the disposition to use it. But where a prudent and enlarged policy does not precede it, and attend it too, where the hearts of the better sort of people do not go with the hands of the soldiery, you may call your constitution what you will, in effect it will consist of three parts (orders, if you please) cavalry, infantry, and artillery and of nothing else or better.

I agree with you in your dislike of the discourses in Francis-street: but I like as little some of those in College-green. I am even ess pleased with the temper that predominated in the latter, as better things might have been expected in the regular family mansion of public discretion, than in a new and hasty assembly of unexperienced men, congregated under circumstances of no small irritation. After people have taken your tests, prescribed by yourselves as proofs of their allegiance, to be marked as enemies, traitors, or at best as suspected and dangerous persons, and that they are not to be believed on their oaths, we are not to be surprised if they fall into a passion, and talk, as men in a passion do, intemperately and idly.

The worst of the matter is this: You are partly leading, partly driving into jacobinism, that description of your people, whose religious principles, church polity, and habitual discipline might make them an invincible dyke against that inundation. This you have a thousand mattocks and pickaxes lifted up to demolish. You make a sad story of the pope!—O seri studiorum!-It will not be difficult to get many called catholics to laugh at this fundamental part of their religion. Never doubt it. You have succeeded in part; and you may succeed completely. But in the present state of men's minds and affairs, do not flatter yourselves

that they will piously look to the head of our church in the place of that pope, whom you make them forswear; and out of all reverence to whom, you bully, and rail, and buffoon them. Perhaps you may succeed in the same manner with all the other tenets of doctrine, and usages of discipline, among the catholics. But what security have you, that, in the temper, and on the principles on which they have made this change, they will stop at the exact sticking places you have marked in your articles? You have no security for any thing, but that they will become, what are called Franco-Jacobins, and reject the whole together. No converts now will be made in a considerable number from one of our sects to the other upon a really religious principle. Controversy moves in another direction.

Next to religion, property is the great point of jacobin attack. Here many of the debaters in your majority, and their writers, have given the jacobins all the assistance their hearts can wish. When the catholics desire places and seats, you tell them, that this is only a pretext, (though protestants might suppose it just possible for men to like good places, and snug boroughs for their own merits;) but that their real view is, to strip protestants of their property. To my certain knowledge, till those jacobin lectures were opened in the house of commons, they never dreamt of any such thing; but now, the great professors may stimulate them to inquire (on the new principles) into the foundation of that property, and of all property. If you treat men as robbers, why robbers, sooner or later, they will become.

A third point of jacobin attack is on old traditionary constitution. You are apprehensive for yours, which leans from its perpendicular, and does not stand firm on its theory. I like parliamentary reforms as little as any man who has boroughs to sell, for money, or for peerages, in Ireland. But it passes my comprehension, in what manner it is, that men can be reconciled to the practical merits of a constitution, the theory of which is in litigation, by being practically excluded from any of its advantages. Let us put ourselves in the place of these people, and try an experiment of the effects of such a procedure on our own minds. Unquestionably we should be perfectly satisfied when we were told, that houses of parliament, instead of being places of refuge for popular liberty, were citadels for keeping us in order as a conquered people. These things play the jacobin game to a nicety. Indeed, my dear sir, there is not a single particular in the Francis-street

declamations, which has not, to your and to my certain knowledge, been taught by the jealous ascendants, sometimes by doctrine, sometimes by example, always by provocation. Remember the whole of 1781, and 1782-in parliament and out of parliament—at this very day, and in the worst acts and designs, observe the tenour of the objections with which the College-green orators of the ascendancy reproached the catholics. You have observed, no doubt, how much they rely on the affair of Jackson. Is it not pleasant to hear catholics reproached for a supposed connection-with whom?-With protestant clergy men, with protestant gentlemen! With Mr. Jackson! With Mr. Rowan, &c. &c.! But egomet mi egnosco. Conspiracies and treasons are privileged pleasures, not to be profaned by the impure and unhallowed touch of papists. Indeed, all this will do perhaps well enough with detachments of dismounted cavalry, and fencibles from England. But let us not say to catholics, by way of argument, that they are to be kept in a degraded state, because some of them are no better than many of us protestants. The thing I most disliked in some of their speeches (those I mean of the catholics) was what is called the spirit of liberality, so much and so diligently taught by the ascendants, by which they are made to abandon their own particular interests, and to merge them in the general discontents of the country. It gave me no pleasure to hear of the dissolution of the committee. There were in it a majority, to

my knowledge, of very sober, well-intentioned men; and there were none in it, but such who, if not continually goaded and irritated, might be made useful to the tranquillity of the country. It is right always to have a few of every description, through whom you may quietly operate on the many, both for the interests of the description and for the general interest. Excuse me, my dear friend, if I have a little tired your patience. You have brought this trouble on yourself, by your thinking of a man forgot, and who has no objection to be forgot, by the world. These things we discussed together four or five-and-thirty years ago. We were then, and at bottom, ever since, of the same opinion on the justice and policy of the whole, and of every part of the penal system. You and I, and every body, must now and then ply and bend to the occasion, and take what can be got. But very sure I am, that whilst there remains in the law any principle whatever, which can furnish to certain politicians an excuse for raising an opinion of their own importance, as necessary to keep their fellow subjects in order, the obnoxious people will be fretted, harassed, insulted, provoked to discontent and disorder, and practically excluded from the partial advantages from which the letter of the law does not exclude them.

Adieu! my dear sir, and believe me very

MY DEAR SON,

WE are all again assembled in town, to finish the last, but the most laborious of the tasks which have been imposed upon me during my parliamentary service. We are as well as, at our time of life, we can expect to be. We have indeed some moments of anxiety about you. You are engaged in an undertaking similar in its principle to mine. You are engaged in the relief of an oppressed people. In that service you must necessarily excite the same sort of passions in those who have

exercised, and who wish to continue that oppression, that I have had to struggle with in this long labour. As your father has done, you must make enemies of many of the rich, of the proud, and of the powerful. I and you began in the same way. I must confess, that if our place was of our choice, I could wish it had been your lot to begin the career of your life with an endeavour to render some more moderate, and less invidious service to the public. But being engaged in a great and critical work, I have not the least hesitation