sisted in, "will be absolutely fatal to its success. Some error of this kind," it adds, "must probably have been at the bottom of the vague charge of confessional practices so cavalierly treated by the ViceChancellor and the Bishop of Oxford. Such imputations, unfounded as they may be, ought to be directly contradicted, as well as ridiculed; for it is difficult to conceive a slander better calculated to damage a place of education in the eyes of the middle classes." We hope it may prove to be a slander; but at present it stands uncontradicted.

Of America we would gladly say nothing. We are aware that our pages are read, both in the North and South, with a degree of interest which cannot but be flattering to ourselves; though at present, we fear, they are equally distasteful to both parties. The storm of passion howls, and the waves run high; and to men in such a state moderate counsels always appear unfeeling and impertinent. The North is angry because we do not espouse their cause; for their cause, they say, is that of the constitution and of the slave. On the constitutional question few in England are disposed to enter. It is enough to say, that the secession of the South does not appear, to the great majority of our countrymen, to justify their being treated as rebels; nor, in fact, has the North dared to treat them as such. But this is a question which has not yet been brought officially before our government. With regard to emancipation, the North claims our sympathy, because it is fighting the battle of the slave. Would that it were so, and that it had been so from the beginning of this unhappy war. England, as one man, would have thrown her sympathies into the Northern scale. But what are the facts? While the Federalists are loud in their professions of zeal for Negro liberty on this side of the Atlantic, their conduct on the other belies them. The voice is Jacob's, but the hands are Esau's. General Fremont, in Missouri, offers liberty to the slaves who join his camp. The President at once disowns the act of the General, and follows it up with his abrupt dismissal. Mr. Secretary Seward, whose delicacy does not forbid his threatening England with an invasion of Canada, is afraid to interfere with the constitutional rights of the slaveholders of the South. An armament has been equipped at New York to seize on the Southern ports. We write on the 25th, and the news has just reached us of its successful landing at Port Royal, between Charleston and Savannah; but its instructions are to respect the constitutional rights of the rebel states, that is, to protect the slaveholder. The only argument we have heard in defence of this policy is, that the North has no power to interfere in a question which can be dealt with only by the whole Union. The only answer it requires is, that rebels have no rights. If they are rebels, not only their slaves, but all their property, is forfeited; and nothing but an act of grace can make it theirs again. If they are not rebels, the case is still more clear. The Northern states are then dealing with belligerents, and might long since have made their own decision. They might have given the Missouri compromise, the Dred Scot decision, and all their degrading concessions with slaveholders, to the winds, and declared the Northern states as free to the Negro as Canada or Great Britain. They have not done this; and if they have lost much of the sympathy and the respect of England, they themselves have been to blame.

Yet we cannot throw ourselves into the cause of the Confederates. We can respect their courage, we can appreciate the manliness which disdains bombast, and leaves others to mark the wisdom of its Fabian policy, and the moderation of its official language. But the blight of slavery remains. The time must soon come, beyond a question, when the Confederates will be admitted into the great family of nations; but from England, while their slavery continues, they will never have a cordial embrace. We do not expect them to release their 4,000,000 negroes all at once; but even now they may prepare the way. Three things they may do tomorrow. They may forbid the separation of negro families; they may prohibit the use of the lash; they may facilitate the emancipation of the slave, by allowing him to purchase it by working at over-hours, or placing a small portion of time each week at his own disposal. If this were done at once, the feeling of all England, which now respects their chivalry, would ripen into a warmer friendship. For the determination of England is, if possible, to be the friend and ally both of South and North, and with their internal discords to have no concern.

In France a financial crisis has occurred; just such a one as introduced the revolution of 1789. A deficient harvest, and a bankrupt revenue, then placed M. Neckar at the head of the finance; a deficient harvest and an unfunded debt of forty millions sterling, contracted on the sole responsibility of the Emperor, places M. Fould in the same office in 1861. In some respects the task of the latter is the more difficult. There is no longer a States-general to convoke. No fresh taxes can be thought of now. He is "to conjure the difficulty," we are told. Neckar and his friends used the same language; but Neckar had not to contend with an imperious will and an absolute master; nor had he to provide for an army of 650,000 men, and a fleet in magnitude and costliness the rival of our own. Before the year closes we shall be better able to judge both of the Emperor's sincerity, and of the probable issue of M. Fould's financial scheme for retrieving France from the verge of national bankruptcy.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

CANTABRIGIENSIS did not send his letter till the end of the last month, and the interest of it has now in some measure passed away.

B. is received. He defends his former proposition in answer to Clericus G. and others; namely, that the prophecies regarding the restoration of the Jews have a spiritual and not a literal accomplishment. It is evident that a contro versy on this point, once opened, may be almost interminable, and the space at our disposal obliges us to refrain from entering upon it. In literary warfare we have observed that the combatants in general bring their heavy artillery into the field at first; and the fire of small arms that follows seldom affects the issue of the fight. We are willing on most subjects to give both sides a hearing once; but after that our readers, we believe, are better pleased to have the subject left to the decision of their own judgment.

We must request all our Correspondents to study brevity as much as possible. Our present Number contains a sheet more than usual, and yet we are obliged to postpone many contributions which are of considerable interest at the present moment, though a few months hence, in this changing world, they may have

lost their value.

INDEX

OF THE

ESSAYS, SUBJECTS, INTELLIGENCE, OCCURRENCES,

&c. &c. &c.

"Tracts for Priests and People," 941.
Upham's Life of Madame Guyon, 509,

641.

Vaughan's Cambridge Sermons, 766.
Young's Italian Reformers, 752.
Rome and Italy: their state and pros-
pects, 838.

Rural Deans, Authority possessed by, 28.
Russia, Progress and present state of, 925.
Secularism, growth of, 904.
Scepticism, 855.

Scripture, inspiration of, 37.
Smith's Biblical Dictionary, and his
Contributors, 23.

Strikes among the artisans of London
and other cities, 407.

Sunday Question; its origin, history,
and present obligation, 124.
The so-called Catholic and Apostolic
Church," 885.

Theology of St. Augustine, 821.
Tongues, on the gift of, 501.
Tractarianism and Essayism, 893.
Truths for the Times; or how to deal
with modern heresies in the pulpit,

331.

Unfulfilled Prophecies of the Old Testa-
ment, 294, 805, 890.

Villiers, Bp., and the Rectory of Haugh.
ton-le-Skerne, 252.
death of, 737.

Walking at Liberty, 662.
Walking with God, 741.

Warsaw, disturbances in, 410.

West Africa, viewed in connection with
Slavery, Christianity, and the supply
of Cotton, 389.

Witnesses, The two, 894.

Word of God, on the habitual reading
of, 89.

INDEX TO PRINCIPAL NAMES.

Adams, Dr., 605.
Adderley, Mr., 900.
Alexander, Rev. T., 168.
Alford, Dean, 341, 646.
Argent, Mr. E. A., 687.
Arndt, Frederic, 80.
Arnold, Dr., 358, 895, 910.
Arthur, Rev. W.,.838.
Atherton, Sir W., 286.
Atkinson, Mr. T. W., 925.
Baillie, Rev. J., 821.
Bagot, Rev. Dr., 160.
Baring, Bp., 286, 291,737.
Bateman, Rev. J., 244.
Baxter, Richard, 694, 922.
Bazley, Thos., Esq., 398.
Beard, Rev. C., 214.
Bedell, Bp., 504.
Bell, Rev. C. D., 481.
Bernard, Rev. T. D., 883.
Bethell, Sir R., 286.
Bickersteth, Archd., 292.
Bickersteth, Rev. E., 579,
596.

Birks, Rev. T. R., 891.
Blair, Dr. Hugh, 245.
Blunt, Prof., 500.
Bowen, Bp., 396.
Bowyer, Sir G., 737.
Boyle, Mr., 505.
Boyle, Robert, 699.
Boys, Rev. T., 475.
Bray, Dr., 505.
Bright, Mr. J., 249.

Brown, Prof. Harold, 792.
Buchanan, Mr., 170.
Buckle, Mr. H. T., 476.
Budd, Rev. H., 919.
Bull, Rev. G. S., 725.
Bunsen, Baron, 67.
Burgess, Bp., 897.
Burgess, Rev. R., 487, 838.
Bushnell, Dr., 908.
Butler, Bp., 870.
Buxton, Sir T. F.. 392, 403.
Cairns, Sir H. McCalmont,
275, 282, 488.
Cameron, Mrs., 573.
Campbell, R., Esq., 389.
Carlyle, Rev. Dr., 245.
Carr, Bp., 422.
Cavour, Count, 842.
Chadwick, E., Esq., 374.
Chaillu, Mons. Du, 476.
Challice, Dr., 897.
Chalmers, Dr., 77, 247.
Champneys, Rev. W. W.,

588.

Chapman, Rev. J., 327.
Cheever, Dr., 392, 660.
Chretien, Rev. C. P., 941,
956.

Churton, Rev. R., 571.
Clark, Rev. S., 23.
Clarke, Dr. A., 818.
Clegg, Thos., Esq., 395.
Close, Dean, 315.
Coates, Mr. D., 249.