XII. dowed them with larger municipal liberties and greater CHAP. freedom of all kinds than the court of France would have allowed. This would have attached at least the middle class to English jurisdiction; but Edward thought of none of these things. If his father had reigned a constitutional prince, it was owing rather to the energetic and persevering remonstrances and resistance of his subjects than to the king's respect for either freedom or its charters. The prince had learned at his father's court the inconvenience rather than the love of popular institutions. He governed his portion. of France, therefore, after the feudal ideas of the age, and did not shrink from levying increased taxes without obtaining the consent of citizen or noble. Although the political views or science of King Charles of France were not much more advanced-for what Christine de Pisan records of both is sad and empty pedantry - he was still far more prudent and conciliating than the English princes. Timid of temperament, he well knew that he could not command the attachment of chiefs or barons by leading them in the field, he was therefore lavish to them of honours and rewards. His efforts were especially directed towards corrupting the lieges of his English rival. He heaped wealth and honours on the Captal de Buch, and the Gascon noblesse had reason to know how much more generous a sovereign Charles was than the Edwards. It cannot be said that the French king was more favourable to the middle classes or their liberties than the English. He made no large grants of municipal freedom to such towns as he captured, or desired to win from the enemy, he gave, indeed, their ancient privileges; but his policy was rather that of Philip the Fair and other French monarchs, to satisfy the desires of the middle classes, and do for them what he would not permit them to do for themselves. To Paris he was especially attentive, making taxes there lighter than in XII CHAP. provincial towns, and allowing the citizens the same rights as nobles in the purchasing and holding of land, as well as such marks of dignity as wearing the golden spur. As has been before observed, the civic classes in those days, though not recovering political rights, maintained judicial independence. The sheriffs were allowed the authority of presiding in court and passing sentence. This did not produce tranquillity in such towns as Tournay, where there was a permanent feud between moyens and menuz in other words, as Tournay was a manufacturing town, between master and employed. In 1366 King Charles issued a decree, setting forth, that as the people of Tournay could not be at peace as long as they formed corps and commune, whilst in other towns governed by royal officers there were no commotions, Tournay was condemned to lose its municipal charter and its civic judges. The result of this edict seems to have been to drive away the artisans and diminish the popu. lation, for another edict afterwards appeared permitting and facilitating Flemish artisans to come, settle, and work there. Judicial rights were restored to the mayor and sheriffs to try all causes under the value of forty sous; and, later, the commune itself was restored. But the experiment sufficiently showed French despotism and Flemish prosperity to be incompatible; and the repugnance of a free people to tyranny proved on that side a more insurmountable barrier to French extension than either Alps or Pyrenees. But however the manufacturing and trading population of the Flemish towns preferred their municipal freedom and over-sea communication with England to passing under the dominion of the King of France, the townsfolk of Angoulême, Limoges, and La Rochelle vastly preferred French to English jurisdiction. The Gascon nobles, if better treated and more trusted by Edward, might have remained true to him; but he evidently preferred his English followers. After the Spanish war came pecuniary embarrassment. The Black Prince had passed his word for the payment of all the knights whom Don Pedro had engaged; and Don Pedro, when re-established on the throne, instead of redeeming his word, retired to Andalusia, and left those who had won kingdom for him to indemnify themselves as best they might. A prince less scrupulous or honourable than Edward would have taken the kingdom or ransomed its cities; but the English prince withdrew to his own side of the Pyrenees, covered with renown and debt. To meet the latter he promulgated an increased tax upon each Gascon hearth. It was not greater, nor even so great, as the hearth money levied in France; but the Gascon lords were indignant at such a result of an expedition in which they had fought and conquered, and they secretly appealed to the French king. Charles deprecated their hastily flinging off their allegiance; he dreaded provoking the energetic hostility of the English king, still more, encountering his heroic son in the field. He was informed that the one was growing benumbed with age, and fettered by those political entanglements which he knew so well how to shake off in his prime. The Black Prince, though he crossed the Pyrenees to the campaign of Najfra in perfect health and vigour, had returned struck by a mortal disease; whether it was owing to the climate or to poison none could affirm; but the latter was most probable. King Charles determined to await until the energies of the English king and prince were extinguished in the grave; and, in the meantime, he resolved to buy up at any price all their followers and friends. Thus to the Sieur d'Albret he made the sacrifice of giving him his daughter in marriage, a match so disproportionate to a mere Gascon lord. Olivier de Clisson, the Breton foe of his family, he purchased with similar condescendence and great prodigality. Attracted by such examples, great numbers of the Gascon noblesse repaired to Charles's CHAP. XII. XII CHAP. court, to continue their abode there, and never ceased to press the King of France to tear asunder the treaty of Bretigny, and recommence hostilities with the English. Froissart, apparently with great truth, depicts the fears and reluctance of Charles, with the incessant incitations of the Gascons, who declared that they would have recourse to some other suzerain if he would not aid them. Charles strove to gain time, and appease their impatience by money. Whilst giving them hopes and encouragement, he at the same time sought to tranquillise Edward, by continuing to pay the instalments of the late king's ransom, for one of which there exists a receipt as late as November, 1357, Edward, meanwhile, issuing orders to the chiefs in his service not to attack the French or invade their territories. But under the colour of preserving peace, Charles was allowing time and opportunity for the hostages, many of them princes of his own family, to escape from England; which most of them did, by breaking the most solemn oaths, as well as the rules of chivalry. The rival crowns could not but afford each other numerous causes for provocation. Du Guesclin had returned to Spain, and enabled Henry once more to overthrow Don Pedro: he did more; a meeting was managed to take place between the Spanish princes, when the brothers sprung upon each other, struggled, fought, and fell together. Don Pedro had got Don Henry down, which gave him the advantage. Du Guesclin, who was present, made one of his followers seize Henry by the leg, draw him from underneath, and place him over his brother. Don Henry took advantage of the position thus given him to draw his poignard and kill Don Pedro. History has seldom recorded a more disgusting and nefarious scene, in which one regrets to find Du Guesclin an actor. English interests, thus crushed south of the Pyrenees, were equally sacrificed in the north. The king had for many years previous arranged the marriage of his son Edward with the heiress of Flanders. Charles was able to hold this marriage in suspense by his influence over the Pope, who refused the necessary dispensation. The Duke of Burgundy was another suitor in the same degree of affinity to the Princess of Flanders. The Pope, however, did not hesitate to grant to France the dispensation he refused to England; the popes during the whole century having been but the valets of the French kings. The English marriage was broken off, and the Duke of Burgundy became thus the heir not only of Flanders, but actual possessor of Lille, Douai, and Orchies, which Charles ceded to the Flemings in order to conciliate them. The declining years of Edward, the lost energies and sinking health of the Black Prince, gave the French hopes that they might renew the struggle with advantage. The experience of the last war had taught that however invincible the English were in battle, they still wanted the skill or the power to capture towns; without effecting which, permanent conquest was impossible. By enduring English ravages, therefore, by avoiding great battles, and limiting resistance to the defence of fortresses, the employment of small bands, and the capture of towns by treachery and intrigue, Charles hoped, and with justice, to carry on successful, if not glorious campaigns. But as the mode of warfare which he contemplated was pusillanimous and mean, so were the subterfuges and the arguments with which he sought to represent his cause as just, and the war as warranted. In the treaty of peace its confirmation by the Pope was set down as necessary to render it valid; and it was to be followed by solemn renunciation on both sides,-by Edward of his claim to the crown of France, by Charles of his pretensions to suzerainty over the lands held by the English king upon the continent. These renunciations were appointed to take place at Bruges on a certain day. The fact of one party sending commissioners with requisite CHAP. XII. |