of ROCAP there and he was never made an effort to contact me. On the next trip I will get in contact with him.

Chairman MORGAN. The gentleman's time has expired.

Mr. Fulton?

Mr. FULTON. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

I would like to have some answers put in the record. Then I want to question on Castro and his organization setup.

On page 3 you remark that "the Tricontinental Conference held in Havana this past January demonstrated, as did the November 1964 Havana conference, that Soviet-backed Communists are pressing their efforts to subvert Latin America."

That would be in conjunction with your next sentence on page 3 about the Soviet backing efforts for all-out support for so-called wars of national liberation.

I would like you to put in the resolutions of the conference and show the Soviet support for such actions.

(The information follows:)

HAVANA TRICONTINENTAL CONFERENCE AND SOVIET SUPPORT OF CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS

The Havana Tricontinental Conference, formally termed the First Afro-AsianLatin American People's Solidarity Conference, was held in Cuba from January 3 to January 15, 1966. Delegations were present from 82 countries and dependent territories, consisting of 55 member delegations of the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization (AAPSO) and 27 delegations from Latin America and the Caribbean dependent territories. These represented six Communist countries, a few non-Communist countries, and a large number of Communist and radical opposition and insurgent political groups from the three continents. (A complete listing of the delegations present at the Conference is contained in the Congressional Record, House, for Feb. 21, 1966, pp. 3342-3445.)

The delegation from the U.S.S.R. was obviously officially sponsored. It was headed by Sharaf Rashidov, an alternate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, U.S.S.R. and first secretary of the Communist Party of Uzbekistan, U.S.S.R. The Soviet delegation included many other quasi-governmental and Communist Party officials.

The 67 specific resolutions adopted by the Conference included a resolution on organization, which created:

(a) An Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples Solidarity Organization (AALAPSO), with an executive committee to be temporarily located in Havana and to consist of 12 members, 3 from each country.

(b) A Committee for Assistance and Aid to National Liberation and Fighting Movements Against Colonialism and Neocolonialism, to operate as an arm of AALAPSO. This committee is also to be headquartered in Havana and has the purpose of assisting terrorism, subversion and civil war in Latin America, Africa, and Asia.

(A Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) was formed directly after the Conference in a separate meeting of the 27 Latin American and Caribbean delegations to the Conference.)

Among the other resolutions adopted at the Havana Conference were: (1) Political resolution. Review of the world situation blaming practically all problems in the world upon "imperialism, colonialism, and neocolonialism as led by the Yankee imperialists." Additionally, this resolution provided that: "There is particular importance in developing effective American peoples who are under arms against the native oligarchies, servants of the United States, as in Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, and Guatemala, or who suffer the repression of military tyrannies, as in Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia, and other countries. Latin America is the rear guard of the most powerful and brutal imperialism, which is the chief prop of colonialism and neocolonialism throughout the world. Every blow struck by the Latin American peoples at their Yankee and native oppressors has a decisive influence in weakening U.S. imperialism."

(2) Resolution on economic problems. This resolution called for "economic emancipation" and assistance including assistance with arms, to countries engaged in armed struggles for "liberation."

"All participants are to redouble their efforts in rendering economic, financial and other assistance, including assistance with arms, to countries engaged in armed struggles for liberation."

(3) Resolution on peaceful coexistence. Peaceful coexistence as defined at the conference "cannot apply to relations between social classes, between the exploited and the exploiters within a given country, nor to the struggle of the peoples oppressed by imperialism against their oppressors."

SOVIET SUPPORT FOR ACTIONS TAKEN AT THE TRICONTINENTAL HAVANA CONFERENCE

It has been previously noted that the Soviet delegation consisted of several government officials headed by Sharif Rashidov. Rashidov stated in his address to the conference that his delegation was present "with the aim of giving all-round assistance to the unification of the anti-imperialist forces of the three continents in order to provide greater impetus to our common struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and neocolonialism-led by U.S. capitalists." Referring to Latin America he stated, "We express our fraternal solidarity with the armed struggle being waged by the Venezuelan, Peruvian, Colombian, and Guatemalan patriots for freedom against the stooges of imperialism. We are in solidarity with the struggle being waged by the peoples of British, French, and Dutch Guiana and the Antilles against the colonial regimes, and also with the struggle waged by the people of Puerto Rico." Further Soviet suport of the Tricontinental Conference is evident from the messages of solidarity which were sent to the conference by Premier Kosygin and Chairman Brezhnev.

It is significant to note that the Soviets are members of the new Havanabased "Committee for Assistance and Aid to National Liberation and Fighting Movements Against Colonialism and Neocolonialism" which has an organizational tenet calling for "all necessary moral, political, and material aid to national liberation movements, particularly those in arms * The Soviet delega

tion further voted on all major resolutions and declarations including, for example, the resolution that "all revolutionary forces represented at the conference intensify efforts to supply national liberation movements with all types of economic, financial and material assistance, including arms and ammunition." Subsequently high Soviet officials have acknowledged the Soviet position at the Conference. Thus Suslov (Secretary CPSU Central Committee) speaking at the Communist Party Conference January 26 declared the conference had “vividly demonstrated" growth of "fighting unity" of peoples of the three continents. And in Ulan Bator January 15 Brezhnev stated, "The Tricontinent Conference decisions will undoubtedly facilitate new successes in the liberation struggle **** and "Communist party and peoples of the Soviet Union see their international duty in supporting liberation struggles of other peoples." These actions and statements thus clearly indicate that the Soviet Government has given its official support to the interventionist and subversive actions of the Tricontinental Conference.

Mr. FULTON. Likewise, I would like to have in the record the members of the Latin-American Solidarity Organization, the setup, how it is being financed, and what specific purposes it has.

(The information follows:)

LATIN AMERICAN SOLIDARITY ORGANIZATION

The Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) was formed by the 27 Latin American and Caribbean delegations to the Havana Tricontinental Conference, all representing Communist or radical opposition parties or insurgent movements, except for the Cubans who represented their Government and official Communist Party. This organization is to be headquartered in Cuba, and a conference of member "national committees" is to be held in 1967 to further determine the structure of the organization. The purposes of this organization are to coordinate and channel aid to "liberation movements" and other subversive activities in Latin America.

There are no indications yet as to the prospective financing of LASO, whose precise structure has yet to be determined. However, judging by the financing

of its Afro-Asian corollary, AAPSO, and of the Tricontinental Conference, subsidies will be forthcoming from the Soviet Union, Communist China, and Cuba.

Mr. FULTON. Then you remark on page 3 that "Last September, Marshal Lin Piao reoriented Mao Tse-tung's longstanding thesis on rural guerrilla warfare," and go on to give Lin Piao's visualization of Communist seizure through full guerrilla warfare of Latin America. We do know what is happening in Africa.

Would you put in the record what is happening on overt action or planning actively by China now in Latin and South America?

(A classified memorandum was supplied in response to Mr. Fulton.) Mr. FULTON. My next question is on the new regime in Ecuador. Would you put in the record how our U.S. military program is being developed with the new regime and its present status?

(The information follows:)

MILITARY ASSISTANCE PROGRAM FOR ECUADOR

There has been no change in the administration of the military assistance program for Ecuador as a result of the recent change of Government. The new Government was established by the military high command with the concurrence of the junta and most of the political parties. This has provided the continuity necessary for the orderly administration of the program.

There is still a valid requirement for military assistance. The armed forces must be prepared to assist the police in the maintenance of law and order and to cope with any attempt to take over the Government by armed insurgency. Continuation of the military assistance program will help the armed forces provide stability, which is essential if the provisional government is to be effective.

Mr. FULTON. Then if we will look over on page 8, you have cited the Central American Defense Council and said it shows real promise as a regional organization.

Would you please put in the record the members, the organization, the agreements, the financing, and also the relation of this organization to the Organization of American States?

(The information follows:)

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN DEFENSE COUNCIL

On December 12, 1962, in Panama City, the Organization of Central American States (ODECA) was created under a new Charter of San Salvador which replaced the unratified version of 1951. This document was to become effective when ratified by the Governments of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. Panama was invited to become a member because of its geographical location as an integral part of the Central American isthmus but did not accept. One of the most important changes in the new charter was the provision for a defense agency, the Central American Defense Council (CONDECA).

CONDECA was to be composed of the Ministers of Defense or the heads of the equivalent department in the different member states. CONDECA was envisioned as the organ of consultation in questions of regional defense and the monitor of the collective security of member states; it was to report on its activities to the Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs through the Executive Council.

The Central American Ministers of Defense and Security met in Guatemala City in December 1963 to sign the Convention on the Creation and Operation of the Central American Defense Council. Work commissions were named to determine how the defense council would be organized and operated and to draft the regulations for its organs. In June 1964, the Central American Defense Council was formally installed, members of the permanent commis.ion took their posts, and regulations on the organization and operation of the council and permanent commission were approved.

The permanent commission (COPECODECA) began operating on Guatemala City in September 1964 with officers from Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. By March 1965, El Salvador and Costa Rica had also ratified the ODECA Charter, and CONDECA then became a formal organ of the Organization of Central American States, charged with the regional defense, maintenance of peace, and the collective security of the participating states. However, CONDECA has no direct or formal relationship to the OAS.

[Security deletion.]

COPECODECA is the full-time working arm of the council and comprises the office of the chairman, the council of delegates, the staff, and the general Secretariat. The council of delegates is made up of the chiefs of delegations of the member countries and is the decisionmaking body of COPECODECA; one of its members serves as chairman.

The staff divisions include plans, operations and training, information and intelligence, logistics, and a miscellaneous division. In addition to accomplishing all basic work involved in CONDECA's mission, the staff coordinates continental defense plans with the Inter-American Defense Board.

During CONDECA's brief existence, it has made notable advances in several areas. [Security deletion.]

Most of CONDECA's activities have so far been concerned with planning. organizing, and approving an organizational base from which to operate. Considerable progress has been made in establishing operating procedures and regulations. [Security deletion.]

Mr. FULTON. Likewise, you have pointed out on page 9 the Permanent Commission of the Central American Defense Council. I would appreciate likewise to have in the record the members, the organization, financing, and the purposes of that, and who really leads it.

In Latin American countries I would like to know to what extent there are political infiltrators or armed insurgents who are either Cubans, or have been trained in Cuba?

(A classified memorandum was supplied in response.)

Mr. FULTON. Likewise, I would like to know what is the present training of guerrillas and subversive personnel and armed insurgents by Castro in Cuba.

Likewise, I would like to have the organization setup of Castroism in external programs and a judgment on the effectiveness of it in Latin Amercian countries.

(A classified memorandum was supplied in response.) Chairman MORGAN. Mr. Hamilton.

Mr. HAMILTON. I was interested in several of your comments throughout your statement to the effect that the Communist influence has continued and is increasing. Yesterday we had Secretary Gordon here and he certainly left me with an opposite impression. He felt the Communist influence was being contained, perhaps not as great as it was sometimes back. I take it you disagree with him in your analysis of the threat of the Communists in Latin America?

General PORTER. Well, I am surprised that Ambassador Gordon left that impression. I talked to him quite a bit. I haven't seen him for 10 days. I will see him this afternoon. I have not read his statement, but is my impression that we are in general agreement on the Communist threat in Latin America.

I do feel that we haven't won the battle. The tempo and crescendo is building up [security deletion].

Mr. HAMILTON. If I may interrupt, would you say the general trend of the Communist tide in Latin America is increasing rather than decreasing?

General PORTER. I don't feel you can make a firm judgment. It ebbs and flows. I don't think they have gotten to the high tide of this, we haven't gotten to the high tide as yet. [Security deletion.] I could go on and quote you examples. I know your time is limited.

Mr. HAMILTON. What countries would you identify for us in Latin America that are especially critical?

We hear a lot about the seething social conditions in Latin America and so forth, and how several countries are ready, on the verge of explosion. What countries would you identify as particularly critical right now?

General PORTER. [Security deletion.]

Mr. HAMILTON. The total amount is $75 million for the programs in Latin America. How does this stand in relation to previous years? General PORTER. It is about $10 million less than the previous year. Mr. HAMILTON. Do you concur in that judgment to decrease the amount?

General PORTER. Yes. I understand our problem in Vietnam, and we can get by with $75 million down there this year.

Mr. HAMILTON. Does the long-term view look to you as if that amount can be increased or decreased in the long term-and I mean by that 3 or 4 years?

General PORTER. [Security deletion.] I feel that this is the absolute minimum that we can get by on.

Chairman MORGAN. Mr. Morse.

Mr. MORSE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

General Porter, is your command exclusively the Army command? General PORTER. I have the joint command. My responsibilities go from and include Guatemala to Tierra del Fuego. I have the military assistance program for the Dominican Republic, also.

Mr. MORSE. You have the southern command for the Army, Navy, and Air Force?

General PORTER. That is correct.

Mr. MORSE. Would you describe Project Camelot for the committee, please?

General PORTER. [Security deletion.]

Mr. MORSE. You mentioned, General, the military people in any given country are part of the ambassador's team. My clear recollection is that the Ambassador in Chile, from the newspaper accounts, had no information about this operation.

Is that accurate?

General PORTER. [Security deletion.]

Mr. MORSE. Sir, what is the attitude of the military in the several Latin American countries, military as distinguished from the politicians, toward the creation of an inter-American force?

(Discussion off the record.)

Mr. MORSE. What is the representation allowance, let's say in Chile, that the military mission there has on an annual basis?

General PORTER. I will have to do the research.

Mr. MORSE. You can furnish it for the record.

General PORTER. Fine.

Mr. MORSE. That is all I have.