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the two countries. Mr. Ruthven, Mr. Croker, &c. followed.-The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, and leave was given to bring in the Bill.-The Lord Advocate moved for leave to bring in the Reform Bill for Scotland. With the exception of one or two minor points of detail, the Bill is similar to that of the last session. The motion, however, led to a good deal of discussion, not as regards the arrangements of the Bill, but with respect to the number of representatives. It was stated that the English Bill, assuming that it is requisite to keep up the present number of 658, left a number to be disposed of, and that such deficiency is to be chiefly supplied in the representation to be allotted to England; whereas it was argued by Sir George Warrender, and others, that the quantum of representation thus left ought to be spread in relative proportions over England, Scotland, and Ireland, instead of being limited to England. Leave was given to bring in the Bill.-Mr. Goulburn took that opportunity of asking the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he had prepared any Bill to consolidate the laws relating to the Assessed Taxes, and to the Compositions for Assessed Taxes. Lord Althorp could only say, that he should be very glad to see a Bill of the kind spoken of; but he could not promise, at the moment, to be able to give it so much of his attention as to introduce the Bill, though he should be happy to support it.

Jan. 20. Lord John Russell moved the order of the day, for the House resolving itself into a Committee on the Reform of Parliament (England) Bill.-Lord Milton wished, before the House went into a Committee, to inquire of the Noble Lord, whether the clause with respect to the 501. freeholders, which had been proposed last session by the Marquis of Chandos, formed part of the present Bill?-Lord J. Russell observed, that the 501. clause, according to the proposed amendments, was retained in the present Bill. Upon entering into the merits of the question, his Majesty's Government were of opinion that the amendments proposed by the Noble Marquis having met with the approval of the majority of that House, ought to be included in the present Bill. The Speaker then put the question, that the order of the day be now read for the House resolving itself into a Committee on the Reform Bill, when Mr. Croker rose for the purpose of imploring the House and his Majesty's Ministers not to force on a premature discussion. The Hon. Member proceeded to urge the necessity of delay at great length. His arguments were chiefly founded on alleged inaccuracies in the lists and calculations. He expressed himself ready to go into the Committee with the same spirit with which he entered it be fore, and to assist in carrying into effect the

orders of the House, when that Bill should enable him to do so, but he asked his Majesty's Ministers to give to the House, and the country, in the first place, that extent of information, without which it would be utterly impossible to make even the first step towards a proper Reform with any degree of safety.-Lord John Russell said, the question was, whether the House was in a state to resolve itself into a Committee agreeably to the notice of motion that stood in the order of the day. Some of the inquiries were still in progress, and some of the papers were still in Lieutenant Drummond's hands, not corrected, but there was not any place now in the two schedules which it would be necessary to alter in the list of the 12th of December. There was not a single place which it would be necessary to leave out of schedule A or schedule B. The House

would therefore see that there was no necessity whatever to refrain from going into the Committee, and to decide whether or not fiftysix boroughs were to be disfranchised, and thirty boroughs were to return one member. The lists had been made sufficiently accurate to require no alteration in the schedules, except in one particular case, which he (Lord John Russell) had already mentioned in his opening speech. He, therefore, proposed to go into the Committee, and ascertain whether the fifty-six boroughs in schedule A should cease to return Members, and for the purpose of enabling the House to come to that decision, the papers now before them would enable them to judge. There were a great many boroughs whose limits were entirely unknown; some whose limits were very extensive; some whose limits extended to the town, and others a great way beyond it, so that the House would perceive that it required great diligence and care to obtain the information which had been presented to the House. Such diligence, and so much trouble, had been taken by gentlemen employed for that purpose, that it would be exceedingly difficult for the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Croker) to make out any case for the removal of any borough from schedule A or B. His Majesty's Government were perfectly prepared to go into the Committee, and they thought that sufficient information was now before the House to enable them to decide whether fifty-six of the smaller boroughs could be taken from the borough representation of England.-Sir R. Peel rose, and in the course of his address declared his intention of dividing the House, even if he stood alone. The House was called to go into the Committee to consent to the disfranchisement of fifty-six boroughs, without information to guide their judgment. In the King's speech, they were called upon to inquire into the state of the representation in a calm and deliberate manner, and now

they were called to deliberate upon a question of such magnitude without information. The Right Hon. Baronet then commented upen some of the returns, and pointed out the inconsistency and impropriety of attempting to decide upon the principles of disfranchisement, without that information which the Noble Lord stated was ready for delivery in a few days. What inconvenience could arise from the postponement of the Committee for a few days? He trusted that the House would not be drawn into such a plan, which would disgrace it. He would divide the House upon the point. Lord Althorp contended that nothing could justify a postponement of the Committee. The question of the returns did not at all apply to the principle of disfranchisement of the fifty-six boroughs, but was adapted to a future stage of the discussion. He felt sure the House would not deviate from the rule previously adhered to in consenting to go into a Committee upon the question of Reform.-Sir R. Vyvyan would vote against going into the Committee until all the information upon which this extraordinary and revolutionary measure was founded, was before the House. Sir Charles Wetherell contended that it was a gross insult upon the House to call upon the Members to give their votes upon a measure respecting which they had no distinct or correct information. -After some observations from Mr. Hume, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Robinson, Sir C. Forbes, and Mr. Hunt, the House divided on Mr. Croker's motion, for postponing the Committee to the following Tuesday, when the numbers appeared for the original motion, 152; against it, 99; majority for the original motion, 53. The House, having resolved itself into the Committee, the first proposition discussed was that in the first clause, which proposes that fifty-six boroughs be disfranchised; and, after a desultory, but rather short debate, the Committee divided on it. The numbers were, for the original motion, 198; against it, 123; majority, 75. The fifty-six, of course, are those enumerated in schedule A; so that the next step is, according to the former mode of proceeding, to settle which shall be the fifty-six boroughs.-Sir R. Peel, after the division, suggested, that, at least, they ought not to proceed farther now, as they would have to examine the schedule item by item, till Members were in possession of the promised information respecting the several boroughs. -The Chancellor of the Exchequer acquiesced in the suggestion, and farther proceedings of the Committee were postponed.

By a recent order in council, it is commanded, that Austrian vessels entering or departing from the ports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, together

with the cargoes on board the same, such cargoes consisting of articles which may be legally imported or exported, shall not be subject to any other, or higher duties or charges whatever, than are or shall be levied on British vessels entering or departing from such ports, or on similar articles when imported into or exported from such ports in British vessels; and also that such articles when exported from the said ports in Austrian vessels, shall be entitled to the same bounties, drawbacks, and allowances, that are granted on similar articles when exported in British vessels.

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the year 149,063., and upon the quarter 80,7681. less than in the corresponding periods of last year; and "Miscellaneous" 191,9801. upon the year, and 30,1571. upon the quarter less, by the same comparison. The only increase which appears is in the revenue of the " Post office," which is better by 32,9951. upon the whole year than it was the last, though upon the quarter there appears (probably from the new arrangements, intended for public accommodation,) a falling off of 2,0051. The " Stamps" account presents a mixed result, as it appears that, though deficient by 104,381.

NEW BRUNSWICK.

upon a comparison of the whole year, there has been an improvement in this branch of the revenue during the last quarter of 16,3301. It will be seen, however, that the charge upon the Consolidated Fund continues to be reduced in pace with the falling off of the income, the surplus of receipt over expenditure for the last quarter being 3,672,057., or, in round numbers, 1,200,0001. greater than in the preceding quarter. The amount of the Exchequer Bills to be re-issued to provide for these deficiencies in the present quarter is fixed at 5,626,2511.

THE COLONIES.

The Sub-committee of the Chamber of Commerce of St. John's have made a report respecting the timber-trade of that province, from which it appears that the amount of property vested in saw-mills in New Bruns

AMERICA.

wick is 232,000l.; the estimated quantity of timber sawed during the year, 103,840,000 feet; estimated value of the lumber when ready for shipment, 26,1201.; and the number of men employed in the lumber-business, 3798.

FOREIGN STATES.

The Message of President Jackson to Congress, contains a copious statement of the condition, both foreign and domestic, of one of the most flourishing commercial nations on the face of the earth. It is in the very nature of addresses of this description to assume a tone of self-congratulation, which sometimes carries with it an appearance of exaggeration, and even of boast; but it is evident from the facts appealed to that the United States of America are not only progressively advancing in all the arts and improvements of civilised life, but are rapidly extending their trade in every direction, under the auspices of a Government at once vigilant, economical, and pacific. We cannot omit the statement respecting the arrangements entered into with Great Britain in reference to the Colonial trade. "The trade thereby authorised," observes the President, "has employed to the 30th of September last, upwards of 30,000 tons of American, and 15,000 tons of foreign shipping, in the outward voyages; and in the inward nearly an equal amount of American, and 20,000 only of foreign tonnage. An impulse has been given to commercial enterprise which fills our shipyards with new constructions, encourages all the arts and branches of industry connected with them, crowds the wharfs of our cities with vessels, and covers the most distant seas with our canvass." The tariff question is evidently a delicate point, and, if there be a struggle for the Presidency, would be more likely than any other to determine the fate of the contest. The state of their finances has always, and especially of late years, furnished the statesmen of America with an agreeable subject of congratulation. Neither

is it omitted in this address. After stating the sums appropriated during the last year to the discharge of the public debt, the President informs the Congress that the whole debt may be extinguished, either by redemption or purchase, within four years of his administration. The President speaks of the relation of the States with Great Britain as follows:

"The amicable relations which now exist between the United States and Great Britain, the increasing intercourse between their citizens, and the rapid obliteration of unfriendly prejudices to which former events naturally gave rise, concurred to present this as a fit period of renewing our en deavours to provide against the recurrence of causes of irritation, which, in the event of a war between Great Britain and any other power, would inevitably endanger our peace. Animated by the sincerest desire to avoid such a state of things, and peacefully to secure, under all possible circumstances, the rights and honour of the country, I have given such instructions to the minister lately sent to the court of London, as will evince that desire; and if met by a corresponding disposition, which we cannot doubt, will put an end to causes of collision, which, without advantages to either, tend to estrange from each other two nations who have every motive to preserve, not only peace, but an intercourse of the most amicable nature."

FRANCE.

The Paris journals show that the public mind has been a good deal agitated by a ridiculous conspiracy, set on foot, as it is said, by the friends of the expatriated family. It appears that eight operatives made their way into the church of Notre Dame, and commenced ringing the bells, which is the tocsin, or conventional signal, for a general insurrection throughout Paris. The appeal appears to have met with no response on the

part of the people, and the conspirators were mmediately taken into custody.

The Minsters have presented to the Chamber of Deputies their budget, the gross amount of which is 38,200,000l. The Civil List, or annual salary of the King, not included in the above amount, is 14,000,000 francs, or 560,000l. which is about 50,0001. more than our own. Of the expenditure of 38,200,000l. the debt absorbs 13,800.000l. and the general service of the State, 17,800,000l. The sum of 4,700.000l. is put down for the expenses of collection, and 1,900,000l. under the head of " reimbursements, premiums, dotations of the Chambers, the Legion of Honour, &c."

The debate gave rise to the most violent altercations; and on the Count Montalivet, Minister for Public Instruction, contending that a large Civil List enabled the King more liberally to encourage the fine arts, and effectually to relieve misfortune; adding, that if the enjoyment of luxuries was denied the King, it would be proscribed to his subjects, many of the Deputies started up, and indignantly denounced the expression: they were fellow-citizens of a Constitutional King, and declared that they acknowledged subjection to no jurisdiction but the Law, to which the King of the barricades was as amenable as any other citizen of France. It was in vain that the Minister made attempts at explanation, he could not obtain a hearing; and the tumult amongst the Members increased to such a height of impropriety that the President was obliged to adjourn the sitting. Upon its resumption the next day, the debate upon the word subject was continued; but the Chamber passed to the order of the day upon a motion for expunging from the minutes of the sitting the offensive word, which was allowed to stand as having been used by the Minister.

The following Protest has therefore been signed by 130 of the French Deputies, including Lafayette and all the leaders of the Republican party :

"The Members of the Chamber of Deputies who assisted with grief at the sittings of the 4th and 5th of January 1832, in which the Ministers

of the King reproduced and endeavoured to justify the donble expression of King of France' and of 'subjects of the King,' expressions which were struck ont from our Charter of 1830 as irrecon

cileable with the principle of the National Sovereignty, owe to themselves and to their country to protest solemnly against those expressions, which tend to alter the new public French right. The President of the Chamber not having put to the vote the suppression of these words in the proces verbal, and the Chamber not having therefore voted relative to this suppression, which would tend to give a legal and parliamentary character to the present Protest, the undersigned have recourse to the only way left open to them,

that of publishing their sentiments; and they hereby protest, in the presence of France, against the expressions of which the Ministers have made use, and against all the consequences which may hereafter be drawn from them."

GREECE.

The affairs of Greece, according to recent information, assume a new aspect. Colocotroni, at the head of the remnant of Capo d'Istria' partisans, is at Napoli di Romania; the French troops hold possession of Navarino, while an assembly of about 130 chieftains, acting as deputies for the nation, are collected at Argos; in which assembly Mavrocordato, who is supposed to side with the British interests, holds much influence. Each of those chieftains, and particularly those called the Klephti, have been followed by their armed adherents, so that there are now at Argos about 8000 men. The object of this assembly is the formation of a constitution, after which a deputation is to proceed to London, in order, with the three interested powers-England, France, and Russia-that they may form a fourth party in the election of a Sovereign.

RUSSIA.

Accounts received from St. Petersburgh state that, by order of the Emperor, a new Tariff of duties had been issued, on which the duties on imports were increased considerably. On the 19th ult. (old style) an additional duty of 124 per cent. was imposed on all imports not entered before the 19th, with the exception of brimstone, corks, and cork-wood, besides which the duty is increased for the importation of 1832 on many articles. On woods for dyeing, the duty was raised from 3 Roubles 60 Copecks to 5 Roubles 40 Copecks. The increase on raw sugar was 9 to 10.08 per pood; on coffee, from 18 R. to 21 R. 60 Co. per pood; on herrings, English and Dutch, from 5 R. 49 Co. to 9 R. per barrel; on Indigo, from 9 to 14 R. 40 Co. per pood; on Cocoa in beans, from 16 20 to 21 60 per pood; on wine and porter, from 126 to 129 R. 60 Co.; on cochineal, from 27 R. to 36 R.; on mace, from 81 R. to 97 10; on nutmegs, from 54 to 64 80 per pood; on artificial flowers, 21 R. 60 to 32 R. 40 Co. per pood.

TURKEY.

The Viceroy of Egypt has at length thrown off the mask, and declared himself independent of the Porte. Great preparations are making on both sides. The Sultan and the Viceroy are decidedly the most powerful aud extraordinary men of their nation, and the struggle will be severe. Mahmoud Ali, however, has a full exchequer and a serviceable fleet; and his army is officered by Frenchmen, and drilled in the European manner.

The Opera. 3 vols.

CRITICAL NOTICES.

There is a species of modern Gothic architecture which is better in effect than keeping, and though battlements, turrets, and arched windows belong of right to the castle, yet we have seen them look very picturesque in the villa, though the battlement rose amid lilacs and laburnums, instead of an old avenue of oaks, and were mirrored in the Thames, instead of a moat. The literary architecture of this work is of such a mixed order, it is a tale of wild fatalism, and violent passion, love, hate, and remorse, blended with the "taffety phrases" of the drawing room, and existing even in the keen, cold atmosphere of London society, and London ridicule. The Opera is the history of Adrian the heir of the doomed house of Abbotscourt, for to the very name of Maldyn attaches a mysterious fatality. The first volume is occupied by the romantic narrative which his father confides to Adrian. Lord Abbotscourt's whole happiness in life had been destroyed by the machinations of his wife's sister, against whom he especially warns his son. Of course the warning comes too late, Adrian being in love with the daughter. The course of true love never did run smooth, and these hereditary animosities are sufficient to trouble the waters. But an additional source of difficulty and unhappiness arises in the Prima Donna of half the Operas in Europe. Mademoiselle Sandoni is a sort of Mabel in St. Leger's tale of the Bohemians; beautiful, highly-gifted, and seeking amid all the triumphs of the stage, revenge on the object of her early attachment for his desertion. As Stephanie Haslinger she had been the first love of Adrian Maldyn; his father interferes, and the lover submits readily enough to the separation, and speedily consoles himself by a far deeper love for his cousin. Mademoiselle Sandoni produces

the greatest possible sensation in London, and admitted into the same society as Adrian, effectually sows dissension between him and her successor. But we will pursue the mysteries of the story no further; what in Ariadne was kindness, in a critic is cruelty, viz. furnishing a clue to the labyrinth. So much for the romance of the story. The scenes in real life are sketched by the same keen and lively pen that "did" the fashions and follies of "Mothers and Daughters." A thousand playful and acute remarks are scattered through these pages.

The hero remarks on our street doors" There is a kind of selfish snuggery about a house with a door of its own, (a door to keep bores and brutes away, and open only to the elect, and to the select of one's fancy,) which makes one peculiarly English. Ebene assures me he has no longer any scruple in asserting to Mr. Merreton, or Mr. Willisford, that Monsieur n'y est pas,' now that a winding staircase, instead of an antechamber, divides these unwelcome visitors from my sanctum sanctorum. I do believe that balf the surly unsociability of John Bull proceeds from that barrier of his domestic citadel called a street door."

The next are acute remarks. "In a woman's estimation, to be in love is as fair an excuse for the commission of every other folly as to be doting or delirious." "Beware how you despise the

attractions of any woman: should she discover that you have adventured such an impertinence, not Venus of old, when irritated by an insult offered to her altars, proved more implacable. I have observed, too, that the men most self secure against the power of the opposite sex, are of all others those most easily betrayed into a pitfall.” The dialogues are singularly characteristic and pleasant, a very rare merit. Many clever writers spoil the conversational parts by being too clever : they aim at too many hits, and force every phrase into a point. Here, on the contrary, they are as lively as they are actual. We can imagine real people talking in precisely such a manner. We must own we prefer the lighter to the more sombre-coloured scenes; the author's power is rather in society than in solitude-the more imaginative materials are not so well employed as those taken from passing life: the prose is better than the poetry. There is the dramatic vivacity, that in past ages might have made a Congreve, but the rich tenderness und melancholy that invested the creations of Beaumont and Fletcher is wanting. To take one instance—the watch kept by Adrian by the dead body of his friend, wants reality -it comes not home: but how admirable is the sarcastic vein that details the effect of the duel on society. There is great truth in the observation on our English peculiarity of exaggerat ing crime if a man commits one offence, he is sure to be charged with half a dozen more. We now close our remarks by cordially recommending these most amusing pages; and again repeat that the story is of quite a different order to that generally belonging to a fashionable novel; perhaps we shall best characterize it by comparing "The Opera" to a Castle of Otranto in May Fair.

Standard Novels.

No. XI.-The Hungarian Brothers. By Miss A. M. Porter.

It is, we believe, above a quarter of a century since Miss Porter and her sister became candidates for literary honours. Few writers of their time have enjoyed a more extensive popularity; and even now, when competitors are almost as numerous as leaves in autumn, "the Scottish Chiefs," "Thaddeus of Warsaw," and the "Hungarian Brothers," are in no hazard of being pushed aside by newer and less unassuming ri vals. They won the laurel well, and they have worn it long. They were almost the first, perhaps the very first, to traverse a difficult and dangerous course in literature; their novels startled by the bold attempt to combine truth with fiction, the severity of historical fact with the freedom of imagination-and by the introduction of real personages who acted their part in the great drama of life, and formed so many bright examples to encourage, or warnings to scare from the evil paths they had followed. The experiment was successful. We are old enough to remember when the Misses Porter were the "observed of all observers"-when indeed they were as popular as Sir Walter Scott has been since the Waverley Novels brought to a more matured strength that which the authors of the "Scottish Chiefs" and the "Hungarian Brothers" had introduced into the world. We have been pleased therefore

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