procal checks in the exercife of political power, by dividing and diftributing it into different depofitories, and conftituting each the guardian of the public weal against invafions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; fome of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To preferve them must be as neceflary as to inftitute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the diftribution or modification of the conftitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the conftitution defignates. But let there be no change by ufurpation; for though this, in one inftance, may be the inftrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are deftroyed. The precedent muft always greatly over-balance in permanent evil any partial or tranfient benefit which the ufe can at any time yield.

Of all the difpofitions and habits which lead to political profperity, religion and morality are indifpenfable fupports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotifm who fhould labour to fubvert these great pillars of human happinefs, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to refpect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connection with private and public felicity. Let it fimply be afked, where is the fecurity for property, for reputation, for life, if the fenfe of religious obligation defert the oaths, which are the inftruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the fuppofition that morality can be maintained without religion. What ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar ftructure, reafon and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclufion of religious principle.

It is fubftantially true, that virtue or morality is a neceffary fpring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or lefs force to every fpecies of free government. Who that is a fincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, inftitutions for the general diffufion of knowledge. In proportion as the Atructure of government gives force to public opinion, it is effential that public opinion fhould be enlightened.

As a very important fource of ftrength and fecurity, cherish public credit. One method of preferving it is to ufe as fparingly as poffible; avoiding occafions of expence by cultivating peace, but remembering alfo that timely difburfements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater difburfements to repel it; avoiding likewife the accumulation of debt, not only by fhunning occafions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to difcharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have

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occafioned, not ungenerously throwing upon pofterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The executions of thefe maxims belong to your reprefentatives, but it is neceffary that public opinion thould co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is effential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be a revenue that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devifed which are not more or lefs inconvenient and unpleafant; that the intrinfic embarraffment infeparable from the felection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decifive motivè for a candid conftruction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiefcence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Obferve good faith and juftice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no great diftant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel'example of a people always guided by an exalted juftice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of fuch a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be loft by a fteady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of nation with its virtues? The experiment, at leaft, is recommended by every fentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impoffible by its vices?

In the exccution of fuch a plan, nothing is more effential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and paffionate attachments for others, fhould be excluded; and that in place of them, juft and amicable feelings towards all fhould be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondnefs, is in fome degree a flave. It is a flave to its animofity or to its affection, either of which is fufficient to lead it aftray from its duty and its intereft. Antipathy in one nation against another difpofes each more readily to offer infult and injury, to lay hold of flight caufes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occafions of difpute occur. Hence frequent collifions, obftinate, envenomed, and bloody contefts. The nation, prompted by ill-will and refentment, fometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government fometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through paflion, what reafon would reject; at other times it makes the animofity of the nation fubfervient to projects of hoftility, inftigated by pride, ambition, and other finifter and pernicious motives.

The

The peace often, fometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has

been the victim.

So, likewife, a paffionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the infufion of an imaginary common intereft, in cafes where no real common intereft exifts, and infufing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or juftification. It leads alfo to conceffions to the favourite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the conceffions; by unneceffarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealoufy, ill-will, and a difpofition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themfelves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or facrifice the interefts of their own country, without odium, fometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous fenfe of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the bafe or foolish compliances of ambition, corrup tion, or infatuation.

As the avenues to foreign influence are in innumerable ways, fuch attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domeftic factions, to practife the arts of feduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a fmall or weak, towards a great or powerful nation, dooms the former to be fatellite of the latter.

Against the infidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealoufy of a free people ought to be conftantly awake; fince history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the moft baneful foes of a republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; elfe it becomes the inftrument of the very influence to be avoided, inftead of a defence againft it. Exceffive partiality for one foreign nation, and exceffive diflike of another, caufe thofe whom they actuate to fee danger only on one fide, and ferve to veil and even fecond the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may refift the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become fufpected and odious; while its tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence of the people, to furrender their interefts.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as poffible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us ftop.

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Europe

Europe has a fet of primary interefts, which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence the must be engaged in fre quent controverfies, the caufes of which are effentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collifions of her friendfhips or enmities.

Our detached and diftant fituation invites and enables us to purfue a different courfe. If we remain one people, under. an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take fuch an attitude as will caufe the neutrality we may at any time refolve upon to be fcrupuloufly refpected; when belligerent nations, under the impoffibility of making acquifitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choofe peace or war, as our intereft, guided by justice, fhall

counfel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a fituation? Why quit our own to ftand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our deftiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice?

'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronifing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no lefs applicable to public, than to private affairs, that honesty is always the beft policy. I repeat it, therefore, let thofe engagements be obferved in their genuine fenfe. But, in my opi nion, it is unneceffary and would be unwife to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourfelves, by fuitable establishments, on a refpectable defenfive pofture, we may fafely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercou:fe with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and intereft. But even our commercial policy fhould hold an equal and impartial hand; neither fecking nor granting exclufive favours or preferences, confulting the natural courfe of things: diffufing and diverfifying by gentle means the ftreams of commerce, but forcing nothing, establishing, with powers fo difpofed, in order to give trade a staple courfe, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to fupport them; conventional rules of intercourfe, the beft that prefent circumftances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; conftantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for difinterefted favours from another; that it muft pay with a pro

portion

portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by fuch acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illufion which experience must cure; which a juft pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, thefe counfels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lafting impreffion I could with; that they will controul the ufual current of the paffions, or prevent our nation from running the courfe which has hitherto marked the deftiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of fome partial benefit, fome occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party fpirit, to warn against the mifchiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impoftors of pretended patriotifm; this hope will be a full recompence for the folicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far in the difcharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct muft witness to you and to the world. To myfelf the affurance of my own confcience is, that I have at least believed myfelf to be guided by them.

In relation to the ftill fubfifting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanc tioned by your approved voice, and by that of your reprefentatives in both houfes of Congrefs, the fpirit of that measure has Continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the beft lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumftances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and intereft to take a neutral pofition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as thould depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perfeverance and firmnefs.

The confiderations which refpect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only obferve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which juftice and humanity impofe on every nation in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The