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LEGISLATIVE BODIES ORGANIZED.

The principle of control was now fully established, and its details were wrought out and applied. A legislative council was provided for each state, composed partly of British and partly of native members. The policy was to make as much use of native material as possible, and to train the Malays to work together with the British harmoniously for a common end. The native chiefs were retained in office, to act conjointly with the councils and to be educated and trained by the councils in what was practically constitutional government. In local affairs the native headmen were retained as the chief authorities in the villages, under strict accountability to the residents. The native police, which Sir Andrew Clarke had founded, was confirmed and increased in effectiveness under native officers, but, of course, under general British direction. It was, however, arranged that the members of the police force were not to serve in the States of which they were natives. In addition, each resident had a small guard of Sikhs and Pathans. For the districts in which Chinese settlers were numerous—that is to say, in the mining region-Chinese headmen were chosen.

THE SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT.

In addition to the residents, there was appointed in each State a British treasurer, who should receive all taxes levied by the State, and in each district a native collector, who should collect the taxes and turn them in to the treasurer. A British auditor was also appointed, who should go about among the collectors, examining their accounts and supervising their general conduct. By such means the object aimed at by Sir Andrew Clarke was attained, namely, the lightening of the burden of taxation to the people, and at the same time the increase in effective value of the revenue of the State. It may be recalled that in 1877, the first year in which this system was in complete operation, the revenue of the three States was $640,000, and the expenditures $622,000. The sultans and chiefs received civil lists of $80,000, the residents and other officers received $250,000, and the police force of 800 men cost $112,000.

LOCAL DEVELOPMENT.

Under this system all the interests of the States were promoted. The residents cared not only for the tin mines, the chief industry of the peninsula, but for agriculture as well. Good roads were built, the system now including thousands of miles. Irrigation was introduced and extended. A scientific forestry service was organized. Railroads were built-there are now about 200 miles of them. Schools were opened. And, in brief, the States were endowed with all the appurtenances of civilization and started fairly on the road to enlightenment.

All this, as we have seen, was done with a staff of British officials that seemed absurdly small in contrast with the scope and amount of work performed. Never, perhaps, unless in the case of the illustrious Gordon in China and in the Soudan, has so much been achieved by so small a staff. The secret of it, or the secrets, rather, may readily be discerned. They had been, as we have said, selected solely for merit and ability, and they were accordingly capable of doing the largest amount of work in the best possible manner. They were not novices nor raw recruits; they were experts and veterans. And, in the second place, they succeeded in educating and disciplining the natives, Malays and Chinese, into efficient and trustworthy aids.

THE SLAVERY PROBLEM.

One of the most difficult problems to deal with was slavery. That abominable institution existed, in one form or another, in all the States. It must be abolished, for it was altogether repugnant to the genius of British civilization. Yet it was so closely connected with the customs, if not the religion, of the natives that any abrupt attack upon it would seem like infringing upon them, and that the British were pledged not to do. But a little tact and patience solved the problem. Time, education, and moral influence, said the governor, will do all. In Selangor and Negri Sembilan slavery was not officially sanctioned by the native rulers, but was tacitly countenanced as a method of collecting debts. Insolvent debtors were seized by their creditors and set to “working out their indebtedness; and it usually took one a lifetime to do it. In those States the residents simply discussed the matter with the sultans, and persuaded them to have all such cases adjudicated by the courts, so that it might be determined just how long each man must work in order to free himself; and also to forbid the continuation of the system by extension to new cases. Thus, in a short time, slavery was abolished, without any formal proclamation on the subject.

In Perak the case was worse. Slavery and slave trading existed there in their most detestable forms. Not only was a debtor enslaved, but so were his wife and children and his children's children forever. There was also, especially among the Chinese, much enslavement of women for immoral purposes. The first step taken by the resident there was to refuse to assist, or to let his subordinates assist, in capturing runaway slaves. That is, he repudiated the fugitive slave law. Next, he insisted that creditors must accept payment of debts, and thereupon grant full release to the enslaved debtors and their families. In the third place, he forbade the enslavement of any more free men. In the fourth place, cruelty to slaves was prohibited. And finally he prevailed upon the native government to redeem all remaining slaves by itself paying their debts. This last step was taken in the fall of 1882, the act of manumission to be completed in one year from that time. The result of it was that masters everywhere, in an enthusiastic impulse, set their slaves free “for the glory of God !” and refused to accept any ransom for them from the State, while the slaves refused to leave their masters, but remained with them as voluntary servants at any rate of wages the masters might give. Thus slavery vanished from all the States.

A FEDERATION OF THE STATES EFFECTED.

These administrative reforms naturally brought to the States increased prosperity, wealth, and population, and these latter, in turn, exerted a reflex influence upon the administration, requiring it to become more complex. There was more to be done, and more administrative departments and offices were required. Then the adjoining State of Pahang asked to have the same beneficent system extended to it. The solution of the problems thus raised was found in federation. This was effected only a short time ago. In July, 1895, the four States of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang were, by treaty, united under a common administrative head, the union becoming effective a year later, in July, 1896. All the four federated States were formally placed under British protection. A British resident-general was appointed, to have supervision and control over them all, and a federal army of Indian troops was brought in for general service. Under this general administration each State was to remain autonomous, with its own resident, council, and native sultan, chiefs, etc. The Mahometan and other native religions were to be scrupulously respected. The States were to furnish troops for the Imperial army, if needed, and uniformity of laws and administration was to be established with respect to State railroads, banks, immigration, survey and titles of land, forestry, sanitation, harbor regulations, fisheries, etc.

The organization of the federated system was effected on the following plan:
The governor of the Straits Settlements was the high commissioner and the direct representative of the British Crown.

Next came the resident-general, who was responsible to the high commissioner, and who reported to him, and to whom the sultans and chiefs might make appeal or with whom they might consult.

There was also a federal council, composed of the mixed legislative councils of the States, all meeting together, under the presidency of the high commissioner, or, in his absence, of the resident-general, or, in his absence, of the sultan of the State in which it met.

It was to meet yearly in each of the States in turn. Its functions were not to be legislative, but merely advisory to the State councils. The first meeting of it was held in Perak in July, 1897, lasting four days, and marked with the pomp and circumstance which are so dear to the Oriental fancy and so impressive to the Oriental mind. It considered numerous topics of finance and general administration, and made to the State councils various recommendations, which were acted upon with profit.

Each State retained its resident as before, he being responsible to the resident-general, and its own legislative council. All financial control was, however, withheld from the councils and vested in the residents, and all legislation enacted by the councils was required to be submitted to and approved by the high commissioner.

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A permanent civil service was established, federal in scope, all members of it being eligible to transfer or promotion from one State to another. All appointments were to be for merit only, after competitive examination; the appointments to be made by the residents, and, in the highest grades, with the approval of the resident-general; and removals to be for cause only, and none over the $300 salary grade to be removed without the assent of the resident-general, and none over the $600 grade without the assent of the high commissioner.

Uniform courts of justice and code of procedure were established, with a federal judicial commissioner (British) to go on circuit to hear appeals and try capital cases, and a federal legal adviser (British) to draft laws for the State councils. In each' State some British magistrates were appointed, but the native headmen were left in authority as petty justices.

Each State had its own police force, but the system was uniform in all. The total force in the federation comprised only 29 Europeans, officers and inspectors; 518 Sikhs and Pathans, officers, noncommissioned, orderlies, and constables; and 1,430 Malays, noncommissioned, detectives, privates, charge takers, etc. The prison systems of all the States were made uniform. The police and prisons of each State were put under the direct and sole control of the resident, subject to instructions from the resident-general or high commissioner.

A federal commissioner of lands and mines was appointed, who framed uniform codes of land tenure and mining regulations, which were adopted by all the States.

A federal commissioner for Chinese affairs was charged with the supervision of that element of the population which formed a sort of "imperium in imperio."

The scheme also provided for a federal chief engineer of public works, chief railway engineer, chief surveyor, chief accountant, chief surgeon, inspector of schools, and inspector of ports and telegraphs. All these officers were, of course, to be Europeans, at least for the present.

The cost of all this administration was to be divided among the States in proportion not to their population, but to their revenue. Thus the rich and prosperous States were made to help the poorer, and all were moved, through mutual beneficence and singleness of aim, toward higher prosperity.

That system, adopted at the time of federation, is the one now in force in the federated Malay States. At the present time the total yearly revenue of all four States is about $8,500,000, and the expenditures about the same. Fifty per cent of the money is spent for roads, railroads, bridges, and other public works. The value of foreign trade in 1896 was above $28,400,000 exports and $21,000,000 imports, a total of about $50,000,000—a very good amount for a population of only about 500,000.

PEACE, PROSPERITY, CIVILIZATION.

Such is the story of British administration in the protected and federated States of the Malay Peninsula. The net result of it is peace, prosperity, and civilization. Broils on land and piracy on sea are now no more. Slavery is abolished. “Squeezing” is known no more. Taxes are lighter, yet the effective revenue is vastly increased, and public works of incalculable beneficence are being executed on a scale not dreamed of a generation ago. The country has been opened up to industry of all kinds. Justice has been made uniform and impartial, and all men equal before the law.

And all this has been accomplished without a war, with scarcely any action by the Imperial Government, and chiefly through the agency of the natives themselves. The native chiefs have been made to feel that they are still chiefs, and the native people that they are still under native rule. Warring tribes have been developed and consolidated into a nation, and that nation has been put well on the high road to advanced civilization and a place in the community of enlightened States. There has been no fighting. No additional burden has been laid upon the "weary Titan.” Not a shilling has been taken from the pocket of the British taxpayer. No self-seeking "chartered company” has been enriched at the expense of justice and liberty. No “tyranny over subject races” has been exercised. There has been nothing but firm, yet kind, leadership of a people not yet able to maintain their freedom without such tutelage. Indeed, we might not inappropriately apply to the Malay States the words of our own constitution, and say that through the protection and control and guidance of British administrators justice has been established, domestic tranquillity has been secured, the common defense has been provided for, the general welfare has been promoted, and the blessings of liberty have been secured to the people and to their pósterity.

A MESSAGE OF ENCOURAGEMENT AND INSTRUCTION.

Such is the story of a quarter century, rounded and complete to-day, and bearing from the Far East its rich message of admonition and of encouragement, of instruction and of inspiration, to a nation kindred to that which wrote it, and which wrought the deeds it tells, now moving

into that same Far East to deal with like problems among like peoples. It is a story of what men have done. There remains for this nation to prove the old saying true and to show that other men, of the same blood and race and speech and thought and aim, can do the same again.

DESCRIPTION OF THE MALAY FEDERATION, BY SIR ANDREW CLARKE, UNDER WHOM THE FEDERATION

WAS FORMED.

The following account of the organization of the Malay federation is by Sir Andrew Clarke, by whom that organization was formed during his service as governor of the Straits Settlements. The statement was published in the British Empire Series in 1899:

I welcome the opportunity which has been afforded to me of saying something upon the subject of the Malay States, not only because I believe that there are certain lessons of imperial importance to be learned from the brief page of history I am about to recount, but because I consider that these States offer an opening to commercial enterprise as yet insufficiently realized.

I have thought a slight sketch of the manner in which these States were opened to British commerce might not be without interest and, perhaps, instruction. A glance at the map suffices to show the importance of the control of the eastern seaboard of the Malay Peninsula to the Empire. A rich and increasing stream of British trade skirts it for 350 miles.

Singapore, thanks to the genius of Sir Stamford Raffles, first occupied in 1819, has become at once a great distributing center and the most important strategic position in the western seas. Earlier history knew little of Singapore, however, and Malacca was the commercial emporium in the sixteenth century, when conditions differed widely. Malacca was taken by the Portuguese in 1511 and held till 1641, when the Dutch stepped in, to be in turn dispossessed by England in 1795. Opinions as to the relative values of distant possessions were somewhat vague at this period, and Malacca was given back to Holland in 1818, to be resumed by treaty in 1824 in exchange for a port in Sumatra. The effect of this treaty was to render the Dutch supreme in Sumatra, and practically to transfer to England all such rights as had previously been claimed by Holland in respect to the Malay Peninsula.

As early as 1786 the East India Company obtained the cession of the island of Penang from the Rajah of Keday, and a strip of mainland-the province of Wellesley-was similarly acquired two years later. The four settlements—Singapore, Malacca, Penang, and the province of Wellesley-remained under the jurisdiction of the East India Company from 1827 to 1867, when they were constituted into a Crown Colony. The foothold thus established on the peninsula brought Great Britain into contact with native states in various stages of anarchy, whose perpetual quarrels became more and more intolerable.

INTERNAL STRIFE. REQUIRED ACTION.

The internal troubles of the peninsula reached a crisis in 1872, when, in addition to the squabbles of the Malay chieftains, the Chinese miners in Larut divided themselves into two camps and carried on organized warfare, involving much bloodshed. The defeated party betook itself to piracy, and the coast was virtually in a state of blockade.

This was the situation on my arrival at Singapore in November, 1873.

The coasting trade was everywhere stopped, and even the fishermen were afraid to put to sea. The senior naval officer informed me that the vessels at his disposal were quite inadequate to deal effectively with the widespread piracy existing. As the chief justice of the Straits Settlements (Sir T. Sidgreaves) stated in the legislative council on September 13, 1874, “These outrages and piracies have been a scandal to the British name, happening, as they have, at so small a distance from our shores.”'

My instructions were simple. The colonial office was thoroughly dissatisfied with the state of affairs in the peninsula. I was to make it the subject of careful inquiry and report my views as soon as possible. I fear that in some quarters there lurks a belief in the eficacy of reports to cure ills. I am not quite sure how many distinguished persons have been severally called upon to report-on Egypt, for example. My own experience of the uses of reports does not tend to a high appreciation of their practical value, and the war office is at this moment crammed with such documents, the majority of which have never been even studied, still less acted upon. Reporting alone scarcely seemed to meet the grave urgency of the situation. It was necessary to act in the first place, and to report afterwards.

THE FIRST CONSULTATION WITH THE NATIVE CHIEFS.

Arrangements were accordingly made for a meeting of the Perak chiefs, with a view to settle definitely the disputed succession to the Sultanate, and a series of articles were laid before them which, after full explanation, were unanimously accepted. These articles stipulated for the appointment of British residents at Perak and Larut, under whose advice the general administration and the collection of revenue was to be carried on. After some difficulty I succeeded in obtaining an interview with the Sultan of Salangore and concluding a similar arrangement with him, while a small naval force proceeded up the Lingie and destroyed without opposition some stockades, with the result that similar measures of pacification became practicable in Sungei Ujong.

The principles on which I acted were very simple. Personal influence has always great effect upon natives of the type of the Perak chiefs, and this influence I endeavored to apply. Where it was possible I sought interviews with them and pointed out the effect of the evils from which the country was suffering. Their real interests were peace, trade, and the opening up of their country. In place of anarchy and irregular revenues I held out the prospects of peace and plenty. I found them in cotton; I told them that if they would trust me I would clothe them in silk. Their rule had resulted in failure; I offered them advisers who would restore order from chaos without curtailing their sovereignty. They were willing to listen to reason, as the vast majority of persons, whether wearing silk hats or turbans, usually are; and since I have often wondered how many of our 'useless, expensive, and demoralizing small wars might have been avoided by similar modes of procedure. The temptations to make war are far stronger than is generally known. A butcher's bill appeals to the dullest imagination and speedily brings down rewards and honors which the mere negotiator, however successful, can not hope to obtain. Perhaps some future analyst of causation will be able to tell us for how much slaughter and wasted treasure decorations are responsible.

THE CHINESE.

It was not with the Malay chieftains alone that I was called upon to deal. The troubles of the peninsula were largely due to the fighting proclivities of the Chinese, supported by secret societies, which were directed by influential Chinamen even in Singapore itself. The Chinese secret society is a bugbear to some minds, and I may be pardoned for a brief reference to it. Secret societies are the natural and inevitable outcome of an arbitrary and oppressive government, such as exists in China, and the Chinaman, having acquired the hereditary habit of creating such organizations, carries it with him to the country of his adoption. In China the secret society is doubtless almost entirely political, constituting a danger to the State. Transplanted to another country, it entails no necessary political dangers and becomes practically a species of guild for mutual protection of the nature of a benefit or burial club. Such combinations do, however, frequently lend themselves to lawlessness and crime, or even, as in Larut, to the civil war of rival factions. The main evil is the secrecy observed in the deliberations and proceedings of these societies. Try to suppress them altogether and you will drive them deeper below the surface and render them really dangerous. On the other hand, recognize them as long as they keep within the confines of law, insist as far as possible upon open meetings and publicity of accounts, and you will find them a powerful lever ready to your hand. You will be able to hold the leaders responsible for illegality; you may even manipulate the secret society to your own ends. This was the course pursued with success in the case of the Malay States, and I am indebted to the chiefs of the Chinese secret societies for support readily accorded as soon as they understood the principles upon which my action was based.

Finally, I considered it was desirable to take the opportunity to settle some outstanding territorial questions. The farther boundary of the province of Wellesley had never been dofined, and undefined boundaries are as fruitful a source of war as of civil litigation. The Sultan of Perak was willing to settle the question in a way which was completely satisfactory. At the same time our long-settled claims upon the Dindings were satisfactorily adjusted, and this position, important as controlling one of the great waterways of the peninsula, became an undisputed possession of Great Britain.

In all these proceedings I received the warm support of the legislature of Singapore and the community at large, while to Lord Carnarvon and the permanent officials of the colonial office I owe a debt of gratitude for their encouragement and appreciation during a period of much anxiety.

On the 18th of March, 1874, the chamber of commerce of the Straits Settlements adopted the following resolution:

“The chamber of commerce, having taken into consideration the engagements lately entered into between the chiefs of Perak in the presence of his excellency the governor, desires respectfully to express its entire approval of the measures adopted to put a stop to the piracy and misrule which have so long prevailed in that province, and sincerely trusts that his excellency will continue to perform the just, firm, and conciliatory policy thus inaugurated until the whole of the so-called independent States shall be brought under similar control.”

On the 11th of March there appeared a letter in the Times which referred to the new steps, then just taken, and to myself, as follows:

“If it should prove successful, as there is every reason to expect, he will be entitled to the merit of beginning the conversion of what has been since the memory of man a wilderness into a flourishing and wealthy territory."

A FRENCH VIEW OF THE RESULT.

This prophecy has received a remarkable fulfillment, and before setting forth some of the statistics, which prove a development of trade almost unprecedented under the circumstances, I should like to quote the words of a French witness, whose own writings sufficiently preclude any suspicion of partiality.

M. de la Croix, in a paper published under the authority of the Government of France on the political geography and the commercial situation of the Malay Peninsula, states:

“The old state of things, exclusively feudal and tyrannical, has given place to a régime of justice and liberty, in conformity with our social ideas. Piracy has been suppressed; slavery has been abolished.

Schools have been everywhere established, spreading instruction among the native classes. Several museums have been started, and science thus receives its due.

* * * We shall see that the civilized world has only to be proud of the initiative taken by England in the Malay Peninsula. She has opened new

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and rich regions, established a solid government, which assures complete security, which gives the heartiest welcome to all well-meaning workers, whatever their nationality, and gives them the support and encouragement which one meets with in all English colonies.”

These words contain a remarkable tribute to the success which has attended British administration in the Malay Peninsula; and when it is remembered that the results pointed out by M. de la Croix-with the single exception of the little expedition of 1875–76— have been won without the expenditure of blood or money, I think our achievements may be regarded with legitimate pride. The new departure was stigmatized at the time by its detractors as a policy of adventure.” History will perhaps record another verdict, and I imagine that the secret of imperial as of commercial success lies in knowing when to adventure.

HOW PRODUCTION AND COMMERCE HAVE GROWN.

Judged by any test whatever, the results of the British protectorate of the peninsula are remarkable. The following table, taken from the latest official report, shows the growth of trade in Perak:

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Nothing could more effectively prove the rapid and steady development of the producing power of this state.

In the little State of Selangor, with an estimated area of only 3,000 square miles, which in 1873 had practically no trade at all, the growth in the last fourteen years has been even more striking, as shown below:

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Tbe revenue also has literally advanced by “leaps and bounds," as the following statement proves:

REVENUE OF THE PROTECTED MALAY STATES AND STRAITS SETTLEMENTS FOR THE YEARS 1876-1899.

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This plainly shows also how the resources of the Straits Settlements have expanded in sympathy with that of the satellite protected States.

POPULATION HAS RAPIDLY INCREASED. Equally remarkable has been the effect of the protectorate in regard to the increase of population. Perak, with 25,000 souls in 1874, had 55,880 in 1879; in 1888, 194,801; in 1896, 280,093. Clearly British rule has attractions in this part of the world.

Real crime in these lately wild and semibarbarous States is wonderfully small. “It is certainly remarkable,” writes Mr. Swettenham, "that with such a community, living under such conditions as those which obtain in Selangor, twelve months should elapse with the commission of one murder and one gang robbery, where four of the members were arrested and convicted, while part of the stolen property was recovered."

RAILWAYS OPENED,

The 20 miles of railway opened in 1887 in Selangor pay a dividend of 25 per cent, and the 8 miles completed in Perak in 1888 pay 83 per cent.

I might indefinitely multiply figures to prove the extraordinary advance in material prosperity which has taken place in the Malay Peninsula, but the above are sufficiently significant for my purpose. There is probably no instance where native States have been handled with such success, and I ask the reader to mark the methods adopted. “It is very simple,” says M. de St. Croix; “the majority of the old native sovereigns have not only been preserved, but have received higher titles and a more complete confirmation of their hereditary rights. By their side are placed residents, charged with advising them, to follow the official term, but who, in reality, administer the country.” In a word, in our conserving old titles and old feudal institutions as far as possible, dealing gently with local prejudice and wielding powers through the medium of the native rulers, whom our residents advise. `Had this “simple" method been tried in upper Burma, I venture to think that much trouble and loss of life might have been spared, and that our position there to-day would be far more satisfactory than it is. Possibly the explanation may be sought in the presence of Burma of a large military forcea condition almost invariably hostile to the peaceful settlement of uncivilized countries. The simple methods pursued in the Malay Peninsula would have sufficed ere this to reopen commerce with the eastern Soudan and throw Manchester goods into Suakim. The very opposite policy has been hitherto adopted, and I conceive that few people are satisfied with the result.

THE LABOR QUESTION.

The Malay States need population, the opening up of communications, and capital. Hitherto the labor market has been supplied almost solely by Chinese, and the experiment of colonization from India remains to be tried. There is no objection whatever to the experiment. Portions of India are becoming overpopulated by people who are ready and willing workers, such as the Malay States need for their full development. Under proper supervision, the excess labor of the one country could be made to supply the wants of the other. I confess, however, that I am not sanguine of seeing this system of natural compensation going on within the limits of the empire, and for many years, at least, it is from China that the States must obtain their labor.

The result of our “policy of adventure” is one of which England may well be proud. A country of which, in 1873, there was no map whatever has been thrown open to the enterprise of the world. Ages of perpetual fighting and bloodshed has ended in complete tranquillity and contentment. Life is as safe as in many parts of Europe. All this has been accomplished almost without the application of force.

The contact between the civilization of the European races and effete semibarbarous States has occurred all over the world. Its immediate results have differed widely. Some races have succeeded; others have signally failed. This contact has, in some cases, been marked by mutual savagery, in others by mutual deterioration. I do pretend that in our dealings with the native States of the Malay Peninsula we have been actuated by a spirit of pure disinterestedness. I do not claim that our action will bear a close scrutiny, and that it has resulted in almost unmixed good to the States themselves, while a new and rich field has been opened out to the commerce of all nations.

THE GOVERNMENT OF CEYLON AND THE SHARE OF EUROPEANS AND NATIVES, RESPECTIVELY,

IN ITS ADMINISTRATION.

The method by which over 3,000,000 people in Ceylon are governed and the island developed through the agency of a total English population of about 6,000 may be briefly outlined as follows:

The government is administered by a governor-general, aided by an executive council, composed of the lieutenant-governor, colonial secretary, commander of the troops, attorney-general, auditor-general, and treasurer. For legislative purposes this executive council is enlarged by the addition of four other officeholders and eight nominated members.

The island is divided into nine provinces, each of which is presided over by a Government agent, who, with his assistants, administers law through the native headmen and their subordinates in the native communities. The basis of the legal administration is the Roman-Dutch law, modified by certain features of the English law and colonial ordinances, together with a criminal law modeled upon the Indian penal code. There is a supreme court and superior courts, courts of request, and, below these, village councils organized with power to deal with petty offenses and trivial claims, and presided over by native officials.

The production of tea since its successful introduction a few years ago has added greatly to the prosperity and commerce of the island, the exports having increased from 51,127,338 rupees in 1890 to 101,576,906 rupees in 1899; and the imports from 63,091,928 rupees in 1890 to 111,992,349 rupees in 1899.

The following account of conditions in Ceylon is by L. B. Clarence, published in the British Empire Series, 1899:

Ceylon is called England's principal Crown colony. It is not a “colony” in the strict sense of the word, for “colony” properly means a body of immigrants settled in a foreign country, and the English colonists are but a very small fraction of the inhabitants of Ceylon. The island is not a dependency of our country in which Englishmen can settle permanently, as in Australia, for instance, or Canada. The tropical climate forbids that. In Ceylon, as in India, the European immigrants must always be greatly outnumbered by the sons of the soil. The dependency is called a “colony,” because it is governed through the colonial office, and a “Crown” colony, because it is administered directly under the Crown, and has no responsible representative government of its own.

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EUROPEAN POPULATION SMALL.

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In Ceylon, as in India, the European inhabitants, by reason of the climate, can never be more than a drop in the bucket compared with the natives. The Europeans (not counting the military) number scarcely 6,000, as against something like 3,000,000 natives. And so we are responsible for the welfare of a large native population living under our rule, and entirely dependent on us for good government and adininistration.

Ceylon is often coupled with India. A man returned from Ceylon to England is asked about his life "in India,” as though Ceylon and India must be all the same. This is not unnatural. Ceylon has much in common, at any rate, with southern India. Its inhabitants are of Indian origin. Their ancestors came from India long ago. And yet, from one cause and another, the atmosphere of life and government and administration differs perceptibly in the two countries.

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DEVELOPMENT OF INDUSTRIES.

Almost from the very outset our Ceylon possessions were separated from the administration of India, and placed under the colonial department. The difference has been further accentuated during the last fifty years by the remarkable rise and development of a great European planting enterprise—first in coffee, and since in tea. This brought in its train an unofficial European element in the population,

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