only openly out but actively striving not only to divide but to overthrow and destroy the Republican Party. He said many unkind things about his former political associates.

I was called upon in that campaign to preside at a Taft Mass Meeting held in Music Hall, Cincinnati. Just to show how differently I talked about his new affiliations, I quote as follows:

We have had three National meetings in this hall during this week. The first was on Wednesday night, when the Bull Moosers met here. I am not going to say anything unkind about them. They are our fellow Republicans who are simply taking a kind of a joy ride. (Laughter and applause.) It won't last long. They will soon all be seeking to return. Like that great Liberal Republican Party movement that split the Republican Party in two and destroyed it in 1872, they will last for just one campaign (applause); by the end of the campaign there won't be much left to be proud of. (Applause.)

I don't intend to say anything unkind about them, because we expect them to be marching with us, shoulder to shoulder again, in the next campaign (applause); and I don't intend to say anything unkind about their great leader, and he is a great leader. (Applause.) My heart went out in sympathy to him and all his when a demented man made an assault upon his life. We are all rejoiced to know that he was able to stop a 38-calibre bullet and make a speech immediately afterward as though nothing had happened. No other man living could do it. (Applause.) We are all rejoiced to know that he is on the road to sure recovery. (Applause.) God speed his recovery so that by election day he may be healthy enough and sound enough for us, without any compunctions of conscience, to give him a good drubbing. (Laughter and applause.)

Two years later, 1914, Mr. Garfield had not yet ended his "joy ride." He was still outside "the breastworks" of the Republican Party, but not able to do it much harm. He was a candidate for Governor on the "Bull Moose" ticket, but he received only 60,904 votes out of a total of 1,129,203 votes cast; but that was not his fault. He took all he could get. ADDRESS TO BUSINESS MEN'S CLUB.

February 28, 1912, I addressed the Business Men's Club of Cincinnati at their request on the subject, "What is the Matter with Business?"

In view of the discussion now going on about taking the tariff out of politics, and having the schedules and rates fixed

by a non-partisan Tariff Board or Commission, I quote from that speech, as applicable, the following closing paragraphs:

Much is said about taking the tariff out of politics. It may be possible to do that some time, but the day is not now at hand. There is a fundamental difficulty about it.

From the beginning of our Government we have had two schools of thought on this subject. One for free trade and the other for protection. Both believe they are right.

As long as this difference of opinion continues it will be impossible to have anything like a common opinion that either the one or the other should be the permanent and established policy of the Govern

ment.

A Tariff Board may be useful in getting data but it can never make the tariff a non-political and purely business question. Moreover, along the lines upon which it is expected to operate, I fear it will prove a disappointment. Briefly stated its purpose is to ascertain and report the cost of articles produced in this country and in foreign countries and by showing the difference in such cost here and abroad give a measure of the duty necessary to protect capital and labor in the United States. Anyone who stops to think for a moment need not be told that it would be with great difficulty that such a board could find with accuracy the cost of an article produced in this country, and that it would be entirely impossible for it to find with anything like even approximate accuracy the cost of an article produced in any foreign country, and if it would be possible to find the cost of the production of any article in any given place in this country, that would not be, as we all know, conclusive evidence that the cost would be the same in any other section.

And if such Board could find accurately the cost of producing a given article in some foreign country that would not be evidence of the cost of producing that same article in another country, where different wage schedules would obtain and where other conditions were different. What an article might cost in England would not be a measure of its cost in Germany, or France, or Italy, or any other country.

And so it will be found, after all expedients have been exhausted, that it will remain for Congress to exercise its judgment as to what the duties on imports shall be, and that in determining this duty it will be found that the only fact by which Congress can be safely guided will be, what comes through the Custom House. When floods of foreign goods are pouring in upon us and competing with us in our home markets, we know the tariff is too low. When nothing comes in we know it is too high. The safe medium must be determined by the exercise of a sound judgment and that safe medium will be a rate that will be high enough to make it safe for Americans to invest capital, employ labor and compete with one another. It has always been so and it always will be the same.

Practical business men understand this and therefore have no faith in sentimental theories that contemplate dealing with this vitally important

subject in new ways that are alleged to be harmless to business. It only adds to the alarm to hear of plans that contemplate a perpetual investigation with recommendations for changes at every session of Congress to be followed by unending piece-meal legislation. What the country needs as to the tariff is to do over again, what we have had to do periodically in the past, and will have to do periodically in the future, so long as human nature remains what it is; and that is to meet the question again, disagreeable as that may be, and settle it once more at the ballot box that our National policy shall be protection to American industries and American labor-not a low tariff; nor a high tariff; not a moderate protection; nor an extravagant protection; but enough protection to protect—and then, having thus determined, legislate accordingly—not by sections—not by keeping the subject continually open, but by a comprehensive statute that will cover both the beginning and the end of the whole matter; and then let Congress adjourn and go home, while the country turns away from visionary reforms and reformers, rejecting all appeals to allow ourselves to be led backward in the name of progress.

ADDRESS TO OHIO CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

During the year 1912, March 14th, I was called upon to address the Constitutional Convention of Ohio. In this address I dealt with the general subject of organic law as contra-distinguished from statutory law and discussed the Initiative, Referendum and Recall. On this account the speech has more than a temporary application. These and similar topics will likely be the subject of discussion for some years to come. For this reason I print it in full in the Appendix.

HAMILTON SPEECH.

Another speech that attracted some attention was delivered before the Clearing House Association at Hamilton, Ohio, December 11, 1913. This speech was devoted to a discussion of the political questions then commanding attention, including a rather elaborate discussion of Socialism; prompted by the fact that at the election a few days before a Socialist Mayor had been elected in that city; and some criticisms upon the policy of President Wilson with respect to Mexico; which criticisms have been fully justified by subsequent events. I quote from this speech as follows:

Speaking of the Income Tax, I said:-The Congress should have power to impose such a tax, but that power should be exercised only in