terms, let us drop the equivocs! words of English constitution, and then I answer, I would not be understood to say, that the government, of king, lords and commons, would be destroyed by a reform of the lower house.

Lord Castlereagh. And don't you think that such a house could not co-exist with the government of king and lords?

Emmett. If it would not, my lord, the eulogies that have been passed on the British constitution are very much misplaced; but I think they could all exist together, if the king and lords meant fairly by the people; if they should persist in designs hostile to the people, I do believe they would be overthrown.

[It was then intimated, that they had got into a theoretical discussion, and that what they wished to enquire into was facts.]

Sir F. Parnel. Mr. Emmett, while you and the executive were philosophising, Lord Edward Fitzgerald was arming and disciplining the people.

Emmett. Lord Edward was a military man, and if he was doing so, he probably thought that was the way in which he could be most useful to the country; but I am sure, that if those with whom he acted were con

vinced that the grievances of the people were redressed, and that force was become unnecessary, he would have been persuaded to drop all arming and disciplining.

Mr. J. C. Beresford. I knew Lord Edward well, and always found him very obsti

nate.

Emmett. I knew Lord Edward right well, and have done a great deal of business with him, and have always found, when he had a reliance on the integrity and talents of the person he acted with, he was one of the most persuadable men alive-but if he thought a man meant dishonestly or unfairly by him, he was as obstinate as a mule.

[Many questions were then put to me relative to different papers and proceedings of the United Irish; among the rest, John Sheares's proclamation was mentioned with considerable severity. I took that opportunity of declaring, that neither the execution of John Sheares, or the obloquy that was endeavored to be cast on his memory, should prevent my declaring that I considered John Sheares a very honorable and humane man.]`

Mr. French. Mr. Emmett, can you point

out any way of inducing the people to give up their arms?

Emmett. Redressing their grievances, and no other.

Lord Castlereagh. Mr. Emmett, we are unwillingly obliged to close this examination by the sitting of the house.

Emmett. My lord, if it be the wish of the committee, I will attend it any other time.

Lord Castlereagh. If we want you, then we shall send for you.

After the regular examination was closed, I was asked by many of the members whether there were many persons of property in the Union. I answered that there was immense property in it. They acknowledged there was great personal property in it, but wished to know was there much landed property; I answered there was. They asked me was it fee simple; to that I could give no answer. The attorney-general said there was in it many landholders who had large tracts of land, and felt. their landlords to be great grievances. I admitted that to be the fact. They asked me had we proivded any form of government. I told them we had a provisional governmen for the instant, which we retained in memory;

but to any permanent fem of government, we thought that, and may other matters relating to the changes which world become necessary. were not proper objects for our disenssion. but should be 1erred to a committee chosen by the people.

They did not ask what the provisional gov

ernment was.

THE IRISH PATRIOTS OF 48.

As matter not intimately, though remotely connected with this work, we append here a brief sketch of the Irish patrots of a late day; among the most prominent of whom was JoHN MITCHELL. He was tried and condemned for the fearless expression of his opinions in relation to the duty of Irishmen. We are indebted for the following account of the trial to "The Felon's Track," by MICHIEL DOHENY, one of the patriots:

Mitchel's arrest, under the treason felony act

was not unexpected. But as soon as it was ascertained that he was lodged in Newgate, his fate engaged the entire care of his co-confederates. The question at once arose whether, if a rescue were attempted, there were resources to ensure even a decent stand. It was ascertained that the supply of arms and ammunition was scanty and imperfect, and the supply of food still scantier. The people had been decimated by three years of famine: and no want could be more appalling than the want of food. On inquiry, it was found that there was not provision for three days in the capital, which depended on daily arrivals for its daily bread. Throughout the country, the supply was even more precarious. The Government had in their own hands the uncontrolled power of preventing the arrival of a single grain of corn; and, if so minded, could starve the island in a fortnight, supposing the people were even able to possess themselves of all the cattle in the country.

These were some of the considerations which influenced the decision of Mr. Mitchel's comrades. Whether the opinion were or were not a correct one, they acted on the conviction that under all the circumstances, any attempt to res