change their direction, but would itself remain the same; and a blow aimed directly at this religious force told far more effectually than any conceivable wrestling with the mere shapes that force could so easily assume. Nevertheless, though the poor English Protestant was right, and the great statesman wrong, in their respective estimates of the internal forces of the Roman Catholic sect; though Canning did not, and perhaps could not, properly and fully apprehend the unchangeable character of the Papacy, his thoroughly settled determination as a political leader to treat the Papal Proteus purely in its political aspects, proved then, as now, the only possible solution of the problem of dealing with our fellow-subjects separating on points of conscience; and his piercing political vision enabled him to see far ahead of his able but more prejudiced colleagues. Canning's anxiety not to 'go to the country' on the Catholic question at this precise epoch prevailed. Another session of the same Parliament took place in 1826, and by an extraordinary coincidence, the new Parliament, elected in the summer of 1826, met first in the late autumn to listen to Canning's brilliant defence of the measure of sending troops to Portugal, a measure openly defiant of the absolutism of the Continent as represented by France and Spain, and assuredly inferentially defiant of the Papal influences which unhappily guided the counsels of those Powers; and subsequently in the spring, to find Lord Liverpool disabled for good, and Canning struggling with severe bodily illness, but none the less pressing for ward with indomita ole energy to secure the supreme prize of the premiership for himself, after a brave but unsuccessful struggle in behalf of emancipation in the new Parliament.] 1825 MR. CANNING TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL. Wortley Hall September 12, 1825. My dear Liverpool,-I have had this morning a long conversation with my host on the subject of the dissolution. I had last night a letter from Devonshire on the same subject; and a letter was communicated to me from Nottinghamshire, the result of all which (conversation and correspondence) is the same; and to me, I confess, surprising; viz. that there is a fury upon the Catholic question, ready to break forth, the instant that the now expected dissolution takes place. 1825 I am surprised at this, I say; because I had, like you, cherished the notion that the question had gone to sleep and was not likely to be roused even by an election. Wortley's opinion upon the subject is perhaps the more worth weighing, because he has no personal interest in the decision. He is as sure of his return now as he would be a year hence; perhaps surer, because in the lapse of a twelvemonth who knows what may intervene to change any man's position? But he is satisfied that a general election now would raise a flame upon the Catholic question throughout the country, though he is equally satisfied that his own return, and he believes that of three Catholic colleagues, will take place without much difficulty in Yorkshire. He is strongly of opinion, that the postponement of the dissolution to next year would afford the best chance of allaying this feverish state of the public mind; and he thinks, (contrary to the opinion which you announced, and in which perhaps without much consideration I concurred with you,) that the discussion of the Corn Laws this next session would be in itself an advisable measure, and admirable for diverting public attention and interest from the Catholic question. As to this point, the expediency of discussing the Corn Laws this session, (supposing Parliament not dissolved,) I have not the means of deciding very confidently, but I am firm in the conviction, that, if the dissolution be deferred, the discussion of the Catholic question must be prevented, and I am ready in that case to take the task of preventing it upon myself. This is, I think, as far as we can get towards a determination on the perplexing question which we are to settle on the 22nd at present. My growing disposition towards a postponement arises not so much from my being convinced that the balance of chances for a quiet election (on the one particular question) now or in 1826, turns in favour of 1826, as from my seeing that such is the prevailing belief, which be it right or wrong can never be changed if the dissolution takes place this year. In such a state of things, it seems to me that delay is the safer course. Should there be a furious religious contest now, we shall bear the blame of exciting it unprovokedly and unnecessarily. Should the like contest (or one still more furious) be produced next year, at least it will not be our fault, but that of an inevitable necessity. This is my present view of the matter. Ever sincerely yours, GEO. CANNING. P.S.-I can dine with you in Downing Street on Tuesday if you will, and I will summon Huskisson to meet you. [This letter is written from Wortley Hall, the seat of the Right Hon. James Stuart Wortley, afterwards Lord Wharncliffe, at this time a member for Yorkshire he was grandson of the Prime Minister, Earl of Bute. : Opinions on the dissolution had come in from various quarters, and they appear to have agreed with that of Canning's host, in recommending a postponement till next year, on the ground of the strong religious excitement smouldering in the country, which a general election would fan into a flame. Canning expresses surprise at the evidence brought to him of the real existence of such anti-Catholic public feeling; but, accepting its reality, proceeds to discuss how, if the dissolution is put off, the burning question may be kept out of sight during the next session, and public attention diverted to other topics, such as the Corn Laws, whereby the inevitable general election of 1826 might be least influenced by the dangerous Protestant ardour of the country.] 1825 1825 MR. CANNING TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL. Welbeck: September 18, 1825. My dear Liverpool,-I return, according to your desire to-day, (though [you are] not at Walmer) Wellesley's letter, which shows how much he dreaded our possible recommendation, and how grateful he is for being relieved from that apprehension. 6 But surely it is destined that this affair is not to run smooth; for no sooner have you fixed upon a man because he is not a marked man,' and because his opinions are not known, than, as if for the express purpose of contradicting you, he comes forward to mark himself, and to pronounce his opinions in the single and obstreperous manner, at a moment when no other figure is on the stage. This is very unlucky; will it not be thought that this very exhibition has procured the nomination? The dates are so near that no human being can believe the coincidence to be accidental. Even if I had not read your letter of the 14th on Friday, I could hardly have believed that what I read in the Times' of the 16th yesterday evening had no influence upon the selection. I was absolutely astounded at this singular and ill-timed first appearance. Is there no other eligible person who at least has not shown himself to be such a goose? and so violent a goose too? The last sentence of your letter makes me repent that I changed my plan and gave up Walmer. But I really thought, from your recurring to the illustration in your letter of the 14th, that you doubted whether it would not be, upon the whole, more convenient that we should meet in town. However, I will indemnify myself at Walmer in the course of the autumn. Ever sincerely yours, GEO. CANNING. [This letter relates to Lord Mount Cashell, whom the Government, as has already appeared, had made their candidate for the vacant seat amongst the Irish representative peers. The other candidate was Lord Farnham. Canning had not been allowed to start his sonin-law, Lord Clanricarde. Both candidates were 'Protestants.' On both grounds Canning permitted himself to criticise the Government candidate without reserve to his friend Lord Liverpool. This particular shot, it appears from the 'Times' of the date mentioned, had been found in the proceedings at a 'Catholic' meeting held at Fermoy a day or two before, where the Earl of Kingston took the chair, and a pro-'Catholic' resolution was carried almost unanimously; but where Lord Mount Cashell moved an anti-' Catholic' amendment in a speech of strong anti-' Catholic' feeling. It was a mere volunteer protest; as, though the meeting listened to Lord Mount Cashell, it was in no way persuaded. It was scarcely satisfactory to anybody that the Government candidate should choose this precise moment to denounce with vigour and asperity all the sins of the Papacy. Canning was provoked and not complimentary.] MR. CANNING TO VISCOUNT GRANVILLE. Seaford: October 13, 1825. My dear Granville,-I have missed two post days in our private correspondence, but the last week since my arrival here on Tuesday evening, the 3rd inst., has been a week of intense labour. Thank God! it is now nearly done. Stratford and Strangford are glutted with instructions; and will take their departure, the first to-day and the second tomorrow, from London. Morier with the Mexican Treaty (in lieu of that which we refused to ratify) will be off on Saturday. The Greek offer of Protectorate will receive its answer to-day or to-morrow; I sent it up yesterday. You shall have a copy of it on Tuesday. I have paid off Stuart and A'Court since I came here, and H. Wellesley, as you know, before I left town. I have even written to Berlin-for the first time, I believe, this year -certainly for the last-so that on my arrival in town. on Monday next I hope to find the F. O. pretty clear; and to find it during the few days that I shall stay there 1825 |