defeat of all his hopes. For the labour of thirty long weary days they had now nothing to show, all their work having been recklessly undone at the bidding of Mr. Balfour. He had been asked by Mr. Long to describe the Bill which the country expected at the general election; he would tell the right hon. gentleman it was a Bill without Clause 4 and with very little of Clause 3 in it. As to the future, it was his intention to administer the law fearlessly without predilection and to maintain, as far as in his power lay, education at its due and proper level. He would have difficulties to face-the Church of England would have its difficulties too-and he looked forward with grave apprehension to what was ahead. Addressing the Opposition in passionate tones, he derided their belief that the swing of the electoral pendulum would put all matters straight. Did they believe that the pendulum would ever swing back far enough to enable them to disregard the convictions of the Liberal and Labour parties and to force upon the country a denominational system?

Mr. Wyndham (Dover) could not let pass without contradiction the statement that Mr. Balfour, acting independently, had killed the Bill. The party led by the right hon. gentleman associated itself with him. The Opposition had no wish to force denominationalism on the country (ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches) and they did not trust to the swing of the pendulum, but to the people's love of justice.

After other speeches, the Prime Minister's motion was passed without opposition.

"The salient feature of the proceedings," according to the Times' summary," was the enthusiasm with which the followers of the Government supported their leaders," especially when the Prime Minister condemned the action of Mr. Balfour (who unfortunately was still absent through illness) and of the Lords. Mr. Birrell's speech was also greatly appreciated, and there was general recognition of the ability and urbanity with which he had performed his duties in connection with the Bill.

According to the Morning Post, the Government had ultimately insisted that in a transferred voluntary school: (1) no teacher might give denominational instruction except by express leave of the local authority; (2) the head teacher might not give it at all; (3) in a single-school rural parish permission might only be given if the school could accommodate at least 250 children and the local authority approved. [For the benefit of posterity, it may be explained that these restrictions were motived by fear of the undue influence of Church teachers on Nonconformist children, and of clerical pressure on the teachers.]

Outside the House the extremists rejoiced at the death of the Bill; but, while the Liberals declared that no such concessions would again be offered, misgivings were felt by Unionists, especially among the tariff reformers. Mr. Chaplin, speaking at Eastbourne, expressed profound regret that negotiations had

failed; and the Morning Post asked whether Mr. Balfour had any alternative scheme, or had again sacrificed the interest of the party and the country to tactical manoeuvres." Viscount Cross wrote to the Times (Dec. 21) to urge Churchmen to subscribe to liberate denominational teaching from rate-aid, a provision of the defunct Bill against which nothing had been said; and the Bishops of London and Southwark appealed for 50,0007. to repair Church schools in their dioceses so as to save them from condemnation and extinction. On the other side, the National Passive Resistance Committee announced that the resistance must go on as before.

The business of the session had been hastily finished in the intervals of the Education Bill. The Land Tenure Bill, the title of which was now changed to the Agricultural Holdings Bill, had been amended by the Lords; the Commons disagreed with several of their amendments, and at the last hour the Lords gave way. On the Town Tenants Bill, the Commons reluctantly accepted two of the Lords' amendments, that directing the Court to take into account the length of time during which a tenant's improvements had been enjoyed in awarding compensation from them, and that limiting the benefits of the clause dealing with compensation for disturbance. Two they rejected; one depriving the improvements clause of its retrospective character, the other limiting compensation for disturbance to one year's rent-the first after a division, by 265 to 36. The Lords gave way here; but the exemption of Scotland from the Education (Provision of Meals) Bill, intensified the Commons' indignation against them, and, on the last day of the session, seven questions, practically identical in terms, were put by Liberal members to the Prime Minister, asking him to consider the desirability of proposing a new standing order empowering the Commons to pass through all its stages in one sitting any Bill which had failed to pass into law by reason of the action of the other House. Another question put by Mr. Raphael (Derbyshire, S.) suggested a limitation of the Lords' veto on Bills twice passed by the Commons. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman promised the serious attention of the Government to the subject; and on the Education (Provision of Meals) Bill, Mr. Lough, speaking for the Government, pointed out that only one Scottish member, Sir Henry Craik (Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities), had objected to the Bill, but disagreement with the Lords now might result in its loss. Four Scottish Liberal and Labour members endorsed Mr. Lough's protest against the action of the Lords, and the Prime Minister described their action as an inversion of constitutional authority even more remarkable than the cases of the Education and Plural Voting Bills. Sir Henry Craik defended the Lords, and Mr. Harold Cox (Preston), who had opposed the Bill throughout, regretted they had not rejected it altogether; and their amendments were agreed to,

The sitting was then suspended until three o'clock, when, in response to the summons of Black Rod, the Deputy-Speaker and about 100 members went to the House of Lords to attend the prorogation. The Commission for the prorogation was read, the Royal Assent was given to twenty-one Acts, and the Lord Chancellor, as one of the five Commissioners, announced that they were commanded to deliver "his Majesty's Speech in his Majesty's own words."

This Speech, which was of unusual length, referred briefly to the marriage of Princess Ena; the visit of the King of Norway; the Algeciras Conference, Crete; the agreements with the French and Italian Governments relating to Abyssinia, and the regulation of the traffic in arms on the Somali coast; the New Hebrides Convention; the various boundary agreements arrived at regarding Central Africa and the Sinai Peninsula (Foreign and Colonial History, Chapter VII.); the Brussels Convention regarding the liquor traffic in Africa; the approaching visit of the Amir of Afghanistan to the Governor-General of India; and the new Constitutions in South Africa. The condition of Ireland was referred to as tranquil, and "the general improvement in the state of the peasantry [made] the failure of the potato crop, which [had] in some districts been serious, a less grave misfortune than it would have been in former times." This general reference was thought to foreshadow legislation. The principal measures passed were referred to, the Town Tenants Act as removing a long-standing sense of grievance"; the Workmen's Compensation Act as extending the benefits of the law to 6,000,000 persons not included under the provisions of preceding Acts. Three paragraphs must be quoted:

"I hope that the Public Trustee Act will afford, especially to the poorer classes of the population, valuable facilities for the safe and inexpensive management and distribution of trust funds. . .

"I regret that, notwithstanding the protracted consideration which you have given to the improvement of primary and secondary education, no settlement of the difficulties which surround this question has been arrived at.

"I recognise the zeal which you have devoted to your arduous labours, and I pray that their results may have the blessing of Almighty God."

Parliament was then formally prorogued until February 12, 1907; the Commons returned to their Chamber, where the Speech was again read, and the usual leave-takings concluded the proceedings.

The last items of political news for the year were furnished by the announcement, welcomed on both sides of the Atlantic, that Mr. Bryce would succeed Sir Mortimer Durand as Ambassador at Washington; and by the publication of a memorial to the Lord Chancellor on the subject of appointments to the county magistracy, signed by Sir John Brunner and eighty-seven

other Liberal members of Parliament. They asked that such appointments should be non-political and should be closely scrutinised by the Lord Chancellor and his staff; and they went on to complain that under the existing system information as to possible nominees was taken solely from Tory sources and the recommendations of Lords-Lieutenant preferred to those of Liberal and Labour members, which were even refused without explanation. The new Justices of the Peace Act showed a desire that the administration of justice should no longer be the prerogative of a special class, and, with a view especially to the work of licensing, it was desirable to remedy the existing disparity. Lord Loreburn, in reply, pointed out the contrast between the initial demand of the memorialists and the substance of their complaints, and admitted that there was a large preponderance of Conservative magistrates, which he was doing his best to remedy, but the work of inquiry took time and labour. He commented unfavourably on the general tendency to regard appointments to the Bench as the reward of political service, and declared that the advice of the Lords-Lieutenant had been impartial, and that he must exercise his own discretion as to his advisers.

The first year of the new Parliament had strengthened the position of the Ministry. They had escaped the danger of "anti-nationalism" constantly predicted for them by their opponents, and had encouraged their supporters by abundant and important legislation. Individual Ministers-notably Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Morley and Mr. John Burns-had won confidence even among Unionists; Mr. Birrell had proved himself possessed of exceptional ability as a Parliamentarian and an administrator, and the Prime Minister's authority and popularity with his own party stood very high. Their followers had shown great capacity for hard work, and an exceptional zeal both in legislating and in questioning Ministers. The Ministerial majority was heterogeneous; but the Unionist party had been slack in the House at least as regarded the rank and file-and was discontented in the country; the tariff reformers were complaining bitterly of the lack of a "constructive policy," and rising Unionists were scarce. Indications, indeed, that Viscount Milner might take an active part in politics as an Imperialist and tariff reformer were afforded by his speeches at Manchester on December 14, and at Wolverhampton three days later; but the party was uncertain about the future of education, and divided as to the advisability of pressing the question of tariff reform.

CHAPTER VI.

SCOTLAND AND IRELAND.

I. SCOTLAND.

APART from the share taken by Scotland in the political history of the United Kingdom, the year was quiet, while it was marked by great commercial and industrial prosperity. In the general election in January only one constituency-Stirling Burghs-escaped a contest, and that through the sudden illness of the Unionist candidate; but of the seventy-two members returned only twelve were Unionists. Two of these represented University constituencies, four gained their seats through the rivalry of Liberal and Labour candidates, and two more were Free Traders; while of the other constituencies in which Unionists were successful several were small and won only by narrow majorities. Scottish opinion, therefore, showed itself decidedly adverse to fiscal reform. In eleven cases a Labour candidate stood against a Liberal, a circumstance which doubtless helped to exacerbate the dispute of the autumn (p. 215). The Scottish Home Rule Association took occasion to urge the need of "devolution" for Scotland as well as Ireland.

Of the legislation specially affecting Scotland the Fatal Accidents and Sudden Deaths Inquiry Bill and the Statute Law Revision (Scotland) Bill were useful measures of reform. The former was non-contentious; the latter passed the second reading on June 15 by 250 to 25. The Education (Provision of Meals) Bill (pp. 40, 252) and the Small Holdings Bill (p. 228) excited more attention, but the latter was dropped and the inclusion of Scotland in the former was stated by Unionists not to be desired by the school authorities. No Scottish Education Bill was introduced. The National Galleries (Scotland) Bill was a useful measure, substituting for the Board of Manufactures, which had hitherto managed the various national museums and art collections, a new board of seven trustees nominated by the Secretary for Scotland. Some Scottish members of Parliament desired an elective board. A Royal Commission on the expediency of instituting Registration of Title in Scotland was announced on May 1. In response to the request made by a deputation to the Secretary for Scotland in April, a slight additional encouragement was given to the teaching of Gaelic in primary schools, in order to provide a supply of teachers to give instruction to Gaelic-speaking children through the medium of their own language. Their numbers were estimated at 25,000. This measure provoked some criticism, on the ground that Gaelic was waste of time, and that its cultivation might foster separatism; but there appeared to be a strong preponderance of Scottish opinion in its favour.

In November acute indignation was aroused by the proposal