from the New York Evangelist, in which it is affirmed that "it is time all the world should understand, that abolitionists will not give their patronage to publications which are so reckless in their sentiments and tendency as the Liberator"! Upon the gross inconsistencies which have marked the inglorious career of the Abolitionist, it is unnecessary to dwell at any length, It promised to confine itself " entirely to the subject of slavery and abolition" to "advance no new doctrines, and urge no new measures" to "abstain from the discussion of all irrelevant and extraneous questions" to "war on no religious sect or po litical party, no order of men, no existing civil or ecclesiastical institution, as such";- yet it now declares war against every existing political party, "as such," and has let slip no opportunity to hold up to ridicule and reproach, such abolitionists as embrace the doctrines of non-resistance, and such as refuse to subscribe to the doctrine, that it is the religious duty of every man to participate in the politics of the country. As to the organization of a new political party, the following emphatic disclaimer appeared in its first number :

"A report has been industriously circulated, that the abolitionists of this State are about to organize a distinct political party, and that this paper (the Abolitionist) is to be its organ. Both statements are false -especially the latter. The abolitionists, we trust, will erect no new standard of political action.”

At the present time, the Abolitionist is hotly in favor of a distinct political organization, and argues that, without it, aboli. tionists can accomplish little or nothing for the slave!

In one breath it says, that "abolitionists, of all men, should love one another"—in the next, it pours forth torrents of defamation against the old pioneer society, its Board of Mana gers, and many of the earliest and most devoted friends of the anti-slavery enterprise. At one moment, it regards the contro versy which is going on in this State, in the anti-slavery ranks, as highly important; at the next, it lauds the Anti-Slavery Almanac "as worth forty of such controversies"! Now it af fects to be totally indifferent to what is called the "woman's rights question"—and, anon, it holds the following language;

"We have so much faith in the instincts which God has implanted in the female heart, that we believe those very women, who voted and spoke in the discussion, if left to their own reflections, will be ashamed of what they have done.” 1.

The facts in regard to the formation of the Massachusetts Abolition Society have already been communicated to the antislavery public by the Board. The manner in which the socie ty was organized betrays its factious character. Occasion was taken for secession at the late meeting of the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, because all persons in favor of immediate emancipation, without regard to sex, clime or color, were invited to participate in its deliberations! The Society was organized in secret conclave it loving darkness rather than light, because its spirit is evil. In the choice of a title, it was at first guilty of attempting to commit a gross fraud upon the public, by assuming the name of the Massachusetts State Anti-Slavery Society. One of the reasons assigned for this dishonest procedure was, that the old society had, in fact, ceased to exist, and the new organization was now its legitimate successor! The strong and timely rebuke which was adminiştered to it, for this fraudulent act, by the New England Convention, caused it to take the cognomen of the Massachusetts Abolition Society. The same class of individuals who hailed the appearance of the Clerical Appeal, stood ready to applaud the new organization. Among the professedly religious newspapers which have evinced great and continued hostility to the anti-slavery cause, are the New Hampshire Observer and the Christian Mirror. Remarking upon the secession, the Observer says: The new society embraces some of the most valuable portion of the anti-slavery party," and sneeringly styles the old organization "the Garrison Society." The Mirror copies the official account of the new organization, and accompanies it with the following comment :

The following account of a new and important movement, we copy for the information of our readers; and to encourage our brethren, who are feeling after a good and right way(!!) A new organization has taken place, which embraces a better part of the brotherhood. We commend their reverence for truth and conscience (!) They have now shown

that these are paramount with them; and it is a presage, that they will correct remaining errors, as fast as they shall discover them (!) They have broken away from the despot, and will hear the gnashing of his teeth, perhaps feel his fangs occasionally; but they will not be hurt by them. The virus, so far as they are concerned, will have been extracted (!) Let them be calm, and rational, and scriptural, and patient, and they will gradually wear away the ranks and the power of the dictator. Let them cease to make the churches parties in political action, (!) and they will have the good wishes of good men,"

Such encomiums as these, from such periodicals, are clear demonstrations of the wide departure of the seceding party from the good old path of anti-slavery rectitude. That they will finally melt away into nothingness, like the dark shadows of night before the sun-light of day, is unquestionable. Most fervently is it to be hoped, that they may be led to see the folly and injustice of their present course, and once more stand shoulder to shoulder with the great body of abolitionists, in one united, invincible phalanx! What new form of opposition the spirit of pro-slavery and sectarianism may assume, it is scarcely possible to predict; but it behooves the friends of anti-slavery reform to be ever on the watch to detect the foeto guard our cause with sleepless vigilance-to be not weary in well-doing

to trust in the Lord, not in man — to make themselves living sacrifices upon the altar of humanity in the language of the apostle, to remember them that are in bonds as bound with them. Then it will go well with our holy enterprise unto the end, and no weapon that may be wielded against it can prosper.

In the Report of the Board of last year, it was stated that a considerable portion of the pledge of ten thousand dollars which had been made by the Society for the year ending May 1, 1839, to the Parent Society, remained unpaid; and that, in consequence of this deficiency, the National Committee had proposed to nullify the contract between the parties, and to occupy the State with their financial agents. The reasons why the pledge had not been promptly redeemed, and why the Board had felt unwilling to accede to this proposition, were succinctly stated in the Report, and were regarded as perfectly satisfactory by the friends of the anti-slavery cause in the Commonwealth. At the same time, the assurance was given,

that no pains would be spared by the Board to have the entire pledge of the Society as promptly liquidated as possible. It was conceived, that, in view of all the circumstances, no blame could be justly attached to the Board or the Society, for the non-payment of the quarterly instalments, at the precise time agreed upon.

By the following extracts from an Address which was issued by the Board to the abolitionists of Massachusetts, dated February 27th, 1839, it will be seen that the course pursued by the National Executive Committee, in relation to the pledge, immediately subsequent to the last annual meeting, was equally reprehensible and extraordinary:

"A few days previous to the late annual meeting in Boston, a delegation (consisting of Messrs. Leavitt and Stanton) was sent from New York by the Executive Committee of the Parent Society, to confer with your Board respecting the fulfilment of the pledge. The result of this interview was, the adoption of the following vote:

Voted, That this Board request the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society to send their agents into this State, and take any other measures they may deem best to collect the amount due on the pledge made by this Society, and to become due on the 1st of February next, with the expenses of raising the same, and remit the whole to the Treasurer of the Society, under the promise that the same shall be immediately and wholly remitted to New York; and in the collecting of the same, they be authorised to receive the amount of pledges hitherto made to this Society.

Previous to this, the Board had passed a similar vote, requesting Mr. Stanton, (who was then laboring in this State,) to act as finan cial agent for the Parent Society, the Board engaging to pay him his salary and travelling expenses pro tem.

Believing that, with this new arrangement, the Executive Committee at New York would be satisfied, and that, by a harmonious co-operation on the part of the agents of the State and Parent Societies, the sums due and unpaid on the 1st of February would be speedily liquidated, your Board felt greatly relieved in their minds, on this subject; especially as it was expressly declared by Mr. Leavitt at the annual meeting in January, that the Parent Society would not interfere with the management of our cause in this Com. monwealth. To our surprise, a letter was laid before us on the 13th instant, signed by Messrs. Leavitt, Tappan and Birney, stating, in substance, that the Executive Committee considered the relation hitherto subsisting between the two societies as at an end, and that they had appointed financial agents for this Commonwealth, to collect as much money as possible, independent of our control or advice! This procedure we considered extremely unfair and discourteous. It seemed to us a hostile movement, which bo

ded no good to the unity of the cause in this State. Even allow. ing that, by the terms of the agreement, the relation was to continue no longer than the quarterly instalments should be punctually paid; still an act of nullification so abrupt and violent, (especially in view of the liberal arrangement we had proposed to the Execu tive Committee,) and so near the time when the relation would cease by its own limitation, could not, in our view, be justified on any pretext whatever. The refusal of the Committee to acknowledge the existence of the State Society, and of our own as a Board of Managers, even in form, and their avowed determination to take the management of our concerns into their own hands, were certainly calculated to excite the suspicion, that we were regarded by them with indifference, if not with alienated feelings.

Anxious, if possible, to avoid even the slightest collision with the Parent Society, we immediately deputed three of the Board, (Messrs. Phillips, Chapman and Phiibrick,) to visit N.York, and confer with the Executive Committee, carrying with them a letter of instructions from us, in relation to this unpleasant affair. Mr. Philbrick not being able to fulfil his appointment, the delegation consisted of Messrs. Phillips and Chapman. They obtained an interview with the Committee, and stated the objections which lay in the minds of this Board against the course decided upon by that body. But their arguments and remonstrances availed nothing. No decision was then taken by the Committee, in form; but, at a subsequent meeting held on the 21st inst. they decided that they could not alter their determination, though" most sincerely regretting that there should be a difference of opinion between the Committee and the Massachusetts Board."

The Board, in this Address, gave several reasons, why the pledge had not been redeemed,-among them were the following:

That, in consequence of the neutral course pursued by the New York Executive Committee and their organ the Emancipator, at the time of the "Clerical Appeal" controversy, the confidence of many abolitionists in the Parent Society has become weakened, and their money been withheld from its treasury; while, on the other hand, others have been led, by feelings growing out of that transaction, to withhold their contributions from the treasury of the State Society. This accounts, to some extent at least, for the disparity which is seen in the receipts of both societies for the years 1837 and 1838. What can be expected where confidence is shaken, and sectarian jealousy awakened? What but a falling off, naturally, both on the score of liberality and of effort, on both sides.

That, granting that a large portion of our pledge remains to be redeemed, and that the Executive Committee fel called upon imperatively to make strenous efforts to raise the money necessary