It is to this extraordinary interpretation, (which would at once exclude from the anti-slavery platform, those who are called Covenanters, Non-Resistants, and many of other religious sects,) that the present unhappy division exists in the abolition ranks. Such an interpretation is wholly at variance with our common bond of fellowship, and will be rejected by all who desire to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace." How the enlightened and comprehensive mind of James G. Birney can regard it as sound, or in accordance with the design and spirit of the anti-slavery organization, is truly matter of surprise.

Mr. Lewis Tappan went so far as to advise, that there be a division of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society into two parts, and a new organization formed-on the ground, that peace would thereby be promoted, and the cause of emancipation benefited: or, at least, that a separation between the contending parties would be much better, than for them to remain together in their present state of mind. Advice like this, coming from such a source, was listened too with sorrow and amazement by the meeting; for, to counsel division, merely because there was not perfect unanimity of views respecting the conduct of the National Executive Committee towards the State Society, and when only twenty-three persons were found unwilling to censure that Committee, was striking a blow at the existence of the whole anti-slavery organization in our land. In any similar case, entire oneness of mind is scarce ever to be expected; and if it be a good reason why there should be a secession, because all are not agreed in regard to a particular measure, then it is a better reason for disbanding all our existing societies-for it is inevitable that cases will arise, in respect to which the most opposite views will be held by individual members. Under such circumstances, where nothing fundamental is involved, the minority, instead of being advised to secede and new organize by themselves, should be entreated to exhibit the spirit of toleration and brotherly kindness. In no case, it appears to the Board, can the formation of a rival society be justified, unless the old society has altered its constitution, and lowered the anti-slavery standard.

The advice of Mr. Tappan has since been followed in this State, and a new organization formed; but it is to be presumed that even he is now satisfied, that such a procedure is not at all calculated either to promote kind feelings among abolitionists, or to advance the anti-slavery enterprize:

Commenting upon the decision of the quarterly meeting, the Liberator spoke in the following encouraging tones:

"Having the confidence, respect and approval of the great body of Massachusetts abolitionists, the course to be pursued by the Board of Managers is plain and direct. It is for them to give still further proof, that their regard for the success of the anti-slavery cause is lively and efficient, by redoubling their zeal and energy thoroughly to abolitionize the Commonwealth. Let there be a resolute determination and a united effort, on the part of individual abolitionists and of societies-notwithstanding all that has happened-TO REDEEM THE PLEDGE of the State Society, every cent of it. by the 1st of May-the money to pass through the hands of the Treasurer. TRY, ONE AND ALL!"

Cordially responding to these sentiments, the Board immediately addressed the following Appeal to auxiliary anti-slavery societies, and abolitionists generally, throughout the State.

Boston, March 30, 1839.

BRETHREN-At the regular quarterly meeting of the State Anti-Slavery Society, held in this city on the 26th instant, the course which your Board of Managers felt in duty bound to pursue, in protesting against the abrupt termination of the relation heretofore subsisting between the Parent and State Societies, by the Execu tive Committee at New York, was sanctioned by an overwhelming majority on the part of the delegates in attendance. We are grateful for this new expression of your confidence in us. Without that confidence, we surely could not and ought not to hold our present responsible situation. Possessing it, we may calculate upon your united and hearty co-operation in every measure which is calculated to advance the interests of the anti-slavery cause, and to confer honor upon the Commonwealth.

However hasty, indiscreet, or peremptory, the Executive Committee of the Parent Society may have been, in their treatment of the Massachusetts Society, their conduct does not fairly exonerate you from redeeming the pledge of $10,000, made in your behalf, in June last, by your Board. It may, and undoubtedly will have the effect, by exciting feelings of distrust and alienation, to discourage effort, and prevent those liberal contributions which otherwise might have been made. In that case, the blame will measurably rest with the Executive Committee. But there are certainly good

reasons, above all personal considerations, or the strict observance of a formal relationship between the two societies, why Massachusetts should be faithful to her promise. She is justly regarded, in this struggle for liberty and the maintenance of human rights, (as she was in the days of the Revolution,) the pioneer State-the first and foremost to lead the way in battling with the hosts of tryanny. No other State in the Union may be expected to excel her in liberality, in zeal, or in devotedness to the cause. If she falter, who else will go forward? In the eyes of the enemies of emancipation, her contributions to the general anti-slavery fund will be the true test of her interest in this great and glorious enterprise. From May 1, 1837, to May 1, 1839, she put into the treasury of the Parent Society upwards of $10,000. From May 1, 1838, up to the present time, (within five weeks of the completion of another year,) she has contributed not more than half of that sum! Surely, instead of a diminution, there should have been an enlargement on her part, on the score of liberality. Surely the Board of Managers were not rash in supposing that she would do as much to sustain the Parent Society in 1838, as she did in 1837!

Under these circumstances, the Board feel solicitous,-for the reputation of the State, the advancement of the anti-slavery cause, and the relief of the Parent Society, now deeply involved in debt, in consequence of relying upon the prompt redemption of pledges not yet cancelled by its auxiliaries,-that an immediate, VIGOROUS and UNITED effort be made by the various anti-slavery societies in this Commonwealth, and by individual abolitionists, to raise the sum now due, and to become due on the first of May, to the Parent Society. It is true, the time is short, and therefore the greater the necessity for prompt and efficient action, in perfect good-will, and with all possible harmony. Only five weeks intervene before the expiration of the year. Brief as is the period, it is long enough, provided there is a will to execute the generous deed. It is only for every abolitionist, every society, to say, resolutely and heartily, it must, IT CAN, IT SHALL BE DONE; and the money will be obtained without difficulty. The character of the State Society will thus be honorably redeemed, the Board will have no occasion to regret the pledge they made, and a new impetus will be given to the car of emancipation. Let no town, no society, no individual, wait to be visited by a financial agent. In such an emergency, every man ought to be his own lecturer, every society its own collector, and every town its own agent. The women of Massachusetts will do their part. The self-sacrificing spirit manifested by one of their number, who is in humble circumstances, at the late quarterly meeting, (in pledging $50 towards redeeming the State pledge, if others would come forward and co-operate with her,) was a sure token that they are ready to meet their share of the general responsibility. What ought to be done, can be done," is a familiar maxim. The money due from this State to the Parent Society ought to be paid immediately, and IT CAN BE PAID.

Let eve

with. Let not the homely, but instructive proverb be forgotten, Many hands make light work."

last, best effort NOW."

Let us, one and all, "make one

The medium through which the money shall be forwarded to New York, it is, of course, optional with contributors and societies to designate. The Board, however, would with deference suggest the propriety of making the treasurer of the State Society, (H. G. CHAPMAN,) that medium, in accordance with the original design and form of the agreement between the Parent and State Societies. Should any money be paid over to any agent of the Parent Society, it is recommended that the society or individual contributing it, obtain from him a promise that it shall be given into the hands of the State treasurer, who will forward it to New York without delay. This, however, is of minor importance. “Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind." The main point is, to redeem the pledge. LET IT BE DONE.

In behalf of the Board of Managers of the Massachusetts AntiSlavery Society,

FRANCIS JACKSON, Pres.

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Cor. Sec'y.

The prospect of redeeming the pledge was indeed almost hopeless, at the time the Appeal was made; and it was evident, from the course pursued by the leading seceders from the Society, and by the Executive Committee at New York, up to the day of the annual meeting, that they were rather disposed to throw stumbling-blocks in the way of the payment of the pledge, than to aid in the furtherance of this object. By dint, however, of extraordinary exertions on the part of the agents employed for the purpose of collecting the money, the Board were happily enabled, on the first of May, to complete their engagements to the Parent Society, even to the letter. Too much credit cannot be given to the abolitionists of the State for their prompt and generous co-operation with the Board. Of many of them it might truly be affirmed that, "in the abundance of their poverty, the riches of their liberality abounded." Though their names may not be blazoned to the world, they are known unto Him who will reward every man according to his works.

The annual meeting of the Parent Society, in May last, was attended by an unusually large number of delegates, and excited more than ordinary interest. It was foreseen, by the friends of our cause in various parts of the country, that an at

tempt would be made to alter the anti-slavery platform, so as to exclude from an equal share in the duties and privileges of the organization, one half of the members, solely on account of their sex. Those who were for the exclusion, as well as those who were against it, made special exertions to procure the attendance of such as they supposed would support their construction of the Constitution of the Society. The pro-slavery party, knowing that divisions existed in our ranks, hoped for a disastrous issue; and, of course, they sympathized with those who were for putting a gag into the mouth of woman. The result, however, was not in accordance with their hopes or wishes; for it was in strict accordance with the claims of bleeding humanity, and the unfettered spirit of our enterprise.

As was anticipated, the question as to the right of women to act as delegates, came up for discussion at the opening of the business meetings. The usual motion having been made, that a committee be appointed to make out a roll of the delegates, James Cannings Fuller, of Skaneateles, N. Y., (a member of the Society of Friends, and formerly of England,) wished to know what was intended by making out a roll. Would it rest with the committee to decide who should be on the roll? There were some beloved sisters present; and he wished to know whether there was strength enough in the meeting to admit them. Rev. Nathaniel Colver then moved" that the roll be made out in the usual manner, of such men as were delegates or members." Oliver Johnson moved, as an amendment, to strike out the word men, and insert persons; so as to make the phraseology of the resolution agree with that of the Constitution. This led to a very long and animated debate, in which Rev. Messrs. Colver, Phelps, Scott, Allen, Johnson, Green, Graves, Weeks, and Sunderland, and Messrs. James G. Birney, Lewis Tappan, E. D. Barber, Ebenezer Dole, Ichabod Codding, and E. C. Pritchett, opposed the admission of women, on various grounds, partly religious, and partly constitutional; and Rev. Messrs. Leavitt and Thacher, and Messrs. Gerrit Smith, Alvan Stewart, Wendell Phillips, Ellis Gray Loring, Isaac Pierce, Charles C. Burleigh, Lewis C. Gunn, Arnold Buffum, Thomas McClintock, S. H. Gloucester, and Wm. Lloyd Garrison,