of the victim. If a workman on his way home was robbed of his earnings, it would be a small calamity both to himself and his family compared with the results which follow if, instead of being robbed, he is tempted to spend his earnings in a public-house. When robbed he is injured, but when tempted he is both injured and disgraced. He loses by the temptation, not only his money, but his character and conscience, his health and happiness. Temptation is thus the chief instrument of human degradation. It is against temptation that the Christian is taught to pray, and against temptation it cannot be wrong for a Christian people to seek equal protection.

But, in the second place, if the buying of liquor be a voluntary act, the consequences of that act fall upon those who are no parties thereto. Not only do the wife and children of the drunkard suffer involuntarily, but the ratepayers are compelled by law to meet, and in some degree repair, the evil work of the publican, as in supporting the man and his family after he has spent all his earnings in the drink-shop, and in prosecuting the criminals made by the system. At the present moment an army of tax-gatherers enter our homes, and thrust their hands into our pockets, in order to support as paupers, lunatics, or thieves, those who have been ruined by drink. The advocates of liberty, who object to Prohibition, should meditate on these facts, and they will find that their punctilious objections lead to much more arbitrary proceedings on the part of the Government than the course that we recommend. We urge that the evils of drunkenness should be met by Prohibition, instead of being merely palliated as at present by compulsion; and we believe that this course is not only the most reasonable and effective, but also the most mild and equitable.

There is one precedent in favour of Prohibition which certainly ought not to be overlooked. Ninety-nine persons out of every hundred are already prohibited from selling intoxicating drinks. In fact, the principle of Prohibition has always been acted on in relation to alcoholic drink. The article is of such a dangerous character that it has ever been found necessary to place the Traffic under restrictions. It is evident that the conditions imposed have not been effective in stopping drunkenness, and if the publicans have a charter, that charter has been forfeited again and again by the utter disregard which they have manifested, in the conduct of their business, to the laws of the land and the dictates of humanity.

Not long since a poor woman sought her husband in a public-house, where he was found at ten o'clock at night. She entreated him to leave; he pressed her to drink, which she refused to do, as she had been a Teetotaler for four years. Hour after hour she waited, praying her husband to return home. Still he remained, and spent before her eyes fifteen shillings of those wages for want of which she and her children were starving! At four o'clock in the morning he declared that if his wife would not drink he would throw a pot of liquor at her head. He called for a pot of drink for the purpose; it was supplied to him, and he dashed it in her face. This man and woman are now both confirmed drunkards, and only sober when under the constraint of the police cell or the workhouse. Such is the hardening influence of the Drink-Traffic,

that scenes like these are permitted in half the public-houses in the kingdom; and it would be a burning shame if, in a Christian country, we wanted precedents for the Prohibition of such a Traffic. We want Prohibition to protect the drunkard, to protect the ratepayer, to protect all-and not, least of all, to protect the men who are engaged in a Traffic which hardens them in sin, and often overwhelms them in one common destruction with their victims.

We should save ourselves a good deal of trouble if, instead of reasoning so much, we investigated a little more. Let these objectors visit our public-houses and gin-shops, and trace the consequences of the Traffic; they will then be better prepared to deal with the question. If the Traffic is to be defended let it stand upon its own merits. It is upon its essential demerits that we arraign it at the bar of public opinion, where similar culprits, far less sinful and far less injurious, have been condemned to banishment. Abstract reasoning on practical questions often leads to needless difficulties. When seeking for an imaginary consistency, let us take care that we do not sacrifice valuable opportunities, or neglect practical duties. It is useless to make general objections to specific cases. We do not eulogise asceticism, neither do we fail to admire that national liberty which is the boast of Englishmen ; but we believe that Temperance and Prohibition are conducive to true pleasure, happiness, and liberty, and that the highest degree of wisdom-political, moral, and religious-will be found concentrated in the apostolic injunction-"Let no man put a stumbling-block, or an occasion to fall, in his brother's way."

Legislation on the Liquor-Traffic, suggested by the Select Committee of the House of Commons, in 1834. By the VERY REV. THE DEAN OF CARLISLE.

10 many persons, unacquainted with this important subject, the idea of

abolition of the Traffic in intoxicating drinks, appears to be a novel, if not an impracticable and absurd, proposition: an unprecedented attempt to interfere with the independent action of the people; and, according to a favourite form of opposition, a scheme for making men sober by act of Parliament."

The object of this paper is to show that, just eight-and-twenty years since, this subject was entertained by the House of Commons; that a committee of investigation was granted; which committee presented a report to the House; which report was printed by order of the House; and that, by that report, the House was pledged to further legislation; comprehending some of the identical salient points for which the Temperance advocates of the present day are agitating.

The history of the introduction of that measure into the House is so interesting, the report itself so valuable, that the present investigation

may well be confined to a brief narrative of the former, and a condensed review of the latter.

James Silk Buckingham, Esq., M.P. for Sheffield-a man of great power of mind and determination of character, and whose misfortune it was to be, in most things, "before his age "was the first person who ventured boldly to introduce this subject to the British House of Commons. Others had, indeed, suggested emendations of existing laws, correctives, and palliatives; but Buckingham struck at the root of the evil, and evidently contemplated all that for which the most sanguine Abolitionists of the Liquor-Traffic are now contending.

In February, 1834, he placed the following notice of motion on the parliamentary books:

"That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the extent, causes, and consequences of the prevailing vice of intoxication among the labouring classes of the United Kingdom, in order to ascertain whether any legislative measures can be devised to prevent the further spread of so great a national evil.”

This notice was entered four months anterior to its introduction to the House, for the purpose of allowing time for the country to petition on the subject, and that private individuals might use their influence with honourable members. The utmost distaste and impatience were manifested by the House in general, and by individual members in particular, when, from time to time, Mr. Buckingham availed himself of the opportunity of the presentation of a petition to make some remarks on the subject; and the Government of the day set their face against the movement, literally "snubbing" Temperance deputations, and avowing their open hostility and contempt both for Mr. Buckingham and his motion! The head of the Government, Lord Althorpe, told one deputation that the attempt "was Quixotic and absurd—that the promoter had 'a bee in his bonnet,' and that there would not be a man in the House to second his resolution." On the 3rd of June, 1834, when Mr. Buckingham rose to move the appointment of his committee, an audible titter reigned on both sides of the House, and looks of impatience and pity "that the time of the House should be wasted in such frivolities," were displayed; many members left the House, refusing to be "bored" with such a subject, but about 200 remained, chiefly with the intention of quashing the motion ! Under such disheartening circumstances it was that this noble-minded, honest-hearted man stood up alone-unsupported, except by the goodness of his cause. Many persons would have quailed under such a trial, but he was strengthened from on High, and was enabled to deliver a speech (to be found in the "Mirror of Parliament”) of which the least merit was its success. To his own surprise, to the confusion of the Government, and to the astonishment of the whole House, he converted foes into friends, and carried his motion by a majority of forty-seven! A committee was appointed, consisting not only, as is usual, of men of all opinions and parties, but comprising some of the most distinguished men of the day-the majority of whom have now gone to their great account.

This committee sat for many days, Mr. Buckingham himself being the

chairman; more than sixty witnesses were examined, embracing men of all ranks and professions, and holding diverse opinions on the question at issue, and the result was the report, a digest of which will now be given.

"The select committee of the House of Commons, appointed to inquire into the extent, causes, and consequences of the prevailing vice of intoxication," &c., "have, pursuant to the order of the House, proceeded to examine a great number and variety of witnesses from different parts of the United Kingdom, and in various ranks and professions of life, and have agreed to the following report."

Having touched upon the extent of the evils of intoxication, “(1.)* Its decrease in the upper, and its increase among the middle and lower classes;" the report traces its remote cause to the example formerly set (2.) by the upper classes of society, and its prevalence to the ordinary drinking-customs at convivial entertainments," &c. Among the "(3.) immediate causes of its increased prevalence among the humbler classes are, the increased number and form of the temptations placed in their daily path by the additional establishment of places at which intoxicating drinks are sold; the increased facilities of obtaining this indulgence by the reduction in the duty on legally distilled spirits-by reduction in price— by additional allurements," &c.

To what a fearful extent all those provocatives to intoxication have been increased, in town and country, since the presentation of this report evidence will occur to ever one!

The consequences of the drinking habits of the people are forcibly stated, as

"(6.) Destruction of health; disease in every form and shape; premature decrepitude in the old; stunted growth, debility, decay in the young; loss of life by paroxysms, apoplexies, drownings, burnings, and accidents of various kinds; delirium tremens, paralysis, idiotcy, madness, and violent death," &c.

"(7.) Destruction of mental capacity.

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(8.) Irritation of all the worst passions of the heart,

"(9.) Extinction of all moral and religious principle; disregard of truth; indifference to education; violation of chastity; insensibility to shame, and indescribable degradation, as proved by clergymen, magistrates, overseers, teachers, and others, examined by your committee on all these points."

The report records the following remarkable testimony:

"(11.) The highest medical authorities examined in great numbers by your committee, were uniform in their testimony that ardent spirits are absolutely poisonous to the human constitution; that in no case whatever are they necessary, or even useful, to persons in health; that they are always, in every case and to the smallest extent, deleterious, pernicious, or destructive, according to the proportions in which they may be taken into the system."

A string of national evils, resulting from the drinking habits of the people, is then subjoined.

These figures refer to the clauses of the Report.

"(12.) The loss of productive labour to the extent of one day in six. "(13.) The extensive loss of property by sea.

"(14.) The comparative inefficiency of the army and navy.

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(15.) The injury to national reputation abroad.

"(16.) The diminution of the physical power and longevity of a large portion of the British population.' Under this head an affecting statement is given respecting the consequences to children of drinking habits in parents. "Intemperate parents, according to high medical testimony, give a taint to their offspring, even before their birth; and the poisonous stream of ardent spirits is conveyed through the milk of the mother to the infant at the breast; so that the fountain of life, through which nature supplies that pure and healthy nutriment of infancy, is poisoned at its very

source!"

"(17.) The increase of pauperism in its most fearful shape.

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(18.) The spread of crime in every form.

(19.) The retardation of all improvement; the hindering of education; the weakening of good example; and the creation of constant and increasing difficulties in the propagation of the sound morality and sublime truths of the Gospel," and

"(20.) The [direct] pecuniary loss to the nation; estimated at little short of fifty millions sterling per annum."

A heavier bill of indictment was hardly ever alleged against the monster evil which we would abate, than is here recorded by the solemn verdict of a parliamentary committee. What an appalling consideration is it, that all these fearful consequences have been multiplying and reproducing themselves to an almost infinite extent during the eight-andtwenty years which have since elapsed, and that little or nothing has been done by Government to diminish them. That Parliament may interpose its authority, and that it ought to do so, is next deliberately affirmed by this its own committee.

"(22.) The right to exercise legislative interference cannot be questioned.

"(23.) The power to apply correction by legislative means cannot be doubted.

"(24.) The sound policy of applying legislative power to direct, restrain, or punish, as the cases may require, the vicious and contaminating propensities of the evil-disposed, cannot be disputed."

Some of the "immediate legislative measures committee recommended,

may be quoted. The

"(26.) The separation of the houses in which intoxicating drinks are sold into four distinct classes. . .

"(27.) That the number of such houses should be limited in proportion to population in towns. . .

"(28.) That all such houses should be closed at earlier hours in the evening than at present.

(30.) That all retail spirit-shops should be made as open to public view as other shops.

"(32.) The discontinuance of all issues of ardent spirits (except as medicine, under direction of the medical officers) to the navy and army ou all stations. . . . and the substitution of wholesome food. ..