All who want Prohibition must ponder the question-What am I prepared to give for it? A voter must ask-Will I give my whole vote to the cause. For want of proper leaders Temperance deputations are deluded by old politicians who want their votes and influence, but give nothing in return save words.

A Temperance deputation receive from a candidate an expression of the very great respect he feels for them, and the pleasure it will give him to name an early hour, &c. Meanwhile he communicates with his friend, a publican (a sort of secretary to the Licensed Victuallers), who calls a private meeting of "the trade." The would-be M.P. converses openly and freely with his publican friends; gives them the most positive assurances that he will do all he can to protect their interests, and then adds:-" But these Teetotalers; cannot afford to offend them, for I cannot hope to get in without their votes. What must I promise them?" "Oh, you can easily satisfy them. Tell them you'll vote for the first reading of their Bill, it won't come in for years, and if it should, you know you can vote against the second reading; or, better still, you can promise to vote for a committee of inquiry."

So, duly instructed, the candidate meets the deputation, tells them how thoroughly he appreciates their motives and objects, how entirely he sympathises with them in their praiseworthy endeavours to eradicate drunkenness would gladly promise to vote for their measure, but, of course, they could not expect him to throw away his chance of election, and, as he was thoroughly with them in sentiment, he hoped they would not insist on a positive pledge, which would be used against him by certain parties! The deputation hardly know what to say, have no list of pledged voters to show him, cannot declare that the whole of the deputation will be guided by the tenor of his reply; we may imagine the rest.

The candidate escapes by a promise to vote for "a committee of inquiry," which, being something definite, is considered satisfactory by the deputation, who retire, amid mutual compliments, virtually to work and vote for the Traffic, and its immoral agencies.

Take another case. An election is announced. Two candidates, A and B, present themselves. Temperance voters are unpledged, but have selected no parliamentary leaders-in short, have not been polishing their weapons, and find them rusty. They call a public meeting to do what ought to have been done privately, appoint a deputation of thirty persons to wait upon the candidates; empower their deputation to do nothing, to offer nothing-except "advice," which is held proverbially cheap. The deputation is received by candidate A, who is extremely bland and polite, rather agreeably surprised at the numbers and respectability of the deputation-calculates mentally whether they equal his publican supporters in numbers, zeal, and fidelity to their principle. The issue much as before.

Candidate B is perhaps blunter, and says in reply to the usual request, "Well, gentlemen, honesty's the best policy. I will be brief and plain with you. Your Permissive Bill will not be introduced for the next ten years! So I might safely have promised to vote for it, but I prefer saying that unless you can show me more votes to be gained from your party than I should lose from the other side, I will not attempt to seek your support, except, indeed, so far as this goes: I believe in fair play, and would support any motion for inquiry." Deputation withdraw, thanking him for his candour. Half the deputation like one reply, half the other. The meeting to which they report is quite as much divided, and everybody at last votes at random.

If a compact Prohibitionist party were to select one man as their leader, and empower him to wield the whole of their political strength, registering and numbering their pledged voters, it would become his duty to seek out those M.P.'s among whose constituents he had sufficient voting power, and ascertain beforehand whether he ought to unsettle their seats, and to obtain pledges that could not be broken in return for the votes he had to bestow. He would seek beforehand for suitable candidates to place before constituencies now represented by refractory gentlemen. He would give them every possible advantage by an early introduction to the borough, so that they might win to themselves many friends in advance.

The Temperance party, from its own earnestness and honesty, has acquired a character for gullibility, under which it should not rest. Now, the system proposed would give them the services of a man who would study with the utmost diligence all the customary arts and tactics of the politicians. Bearing in his pocket votes enough to turn the scale in twenty or thirty constituencies, he would appear in the lobby of the House of Commons as no insignificant personage. His power would be felt within, long before the votes in his charge were exercised. His opinion would be sought on all points bearing on the question of sobriety, many would be the M.P.'s anxious to do his bidding, and when the first general election enabled him to prove his men, by turning out some dozen nominees of the barrel and bottle, then would come "the

beginning of the end." But how are suitable candidates to be obtained? Doubtless, the chief difficulty is a pecuniary one. Lawyers and publicans accustomed to reap a rich harvest at each contested election will not give up their gains without a struggle. To meet this difficulty a Candidates' Club is proposed.

Suppose twenty men of thorough-going Prohibitionist principles, desirous of a seat in Parliament, and willing to contribute-say £50 per annum-to a common fund, there would be £1,000 at once; and if two were selected by lot, probably the £500 each would suffice to defray their expenses, by judgment and skill in the conduct of the affair. Besides this, the personal services of the whole twenty would be freely given at the election of each-no inconsiderable advantage in itself-especially after some of its members had become M.P.'s; and when all were safe inside, they would form a united phalanx, sustaining and strengthening each other for the great conflict.

Dr. F. R. LEES moved the resolution contained in the report of the First Division. He would simply observe that so far from its being an objection in his mind, that we were entering upon the political stage of the movement, he believed that it was good to do so-that a social conflict with the forces of virtue and purity arrayed on the one side, against selfishness, vice, and sensualism on the other, was one of the most noble processes of purification through which any people could pass.

Mr. T. RICHARDSON, B.A., seconded the resolution.

Mr. WASHINGTON WILKS supported the resolution. One sentence in a paper that has been read expressed his conviction. The author said he found every remedial action, whether political or social, whether to establish healthy homes or promote rational recreation, was hindered and made almost ineffectual by the influence of the public-house. That was his reason for supporting permissive legislation for the suppression of the Liquor-Traffic. He put aside, as not the primary or most effectual, the reasons urged from other points of view as to the nature of the drink. All that they had been doing in the Sections these three days came to the one great question, how could they best introduce into Parliament men who would legislate on this question? He thought it was the positive duty of every moral, conscientious man, who has a feeling of responsibility, to mingle with the political strife, and not only to vote for a Permissive Bill candidate, but to combine to act with men who would promote the return of such candidates.

The resolution was carried unanimously.

The CHAIRMAN: At the close of a discussion, in one of the Sections of the Social Science Congress, on a collateral subject, a gentleman remarked, "Why this is legisla tion on moral questions and considerations-quite an unheard of thing." I believe that, if we look at the discussions of the House of Commons, very little reference is made to religious or moral considerations. I believe that these must enter more deeply into their discussions, and that this subject will cause them to do so.

The Section then adjourned to the Large Hall, for the final meeting of the Convention.

RESUMED CONVENTION.

FINAL MEETING.

THE two Divisions re-united in the Large Hall, a little after two o'clock, and Sir WALTER C. TREVELYAN took the chair.

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The Rev. HENRY GALE, in reporting the proceedings of the First Division, alluded to a conversation in which a judge asked a bishop a question respecting the cider crop in Somersetshire. The bishop replied, "I believe it is more than an average crop-quite enough, my lord, to ensure you a large calendar the next time you come." Such incidental testimonies were important. He was walking in an orchard with a farmer of the county, who said, looking at the trees, Plenty of the enemy this year." "What do you mean the blight?" he asked. "No," the farmer replied, "there is plenty of fruit, and although I make three or four hogsheads of cider, it is the curse of the county." He would vote even for anti-church-rate men who would vote for Prohibition. But (he added humorously) if we clergy could put ourselves in position to help you to get rid of the Liquor-Traffic, I think you would never be so ungrateful as to ask us to give up church-rates. (Laughter.)

Mr. JOHN NOBLE, jun., reported the proceedings of the Second Division. The resolutions of each were submitted and approved. They were as follows:

Resolution passed in both Divisions.

"That it has been abundantly demonstrated before this Convention, that the manufacture and common sale of intoxicating beverages are the occasion of innumerable social, moral, and political evils of a most appalling character, subversive of public order and antagonistic to national progress; and that, therefore, the citizen, the magistrate, the legislator, and all who exercise authority or public influence in the State, should combine to put forth their most strenuous and persistent efforts to repress and abolish, either by permissive or other legislation, an inveterate agency of evil so great in magnitude, and productive of burdens and calamities so inevitable and intolerable."

Resolution passed in Division 2.

"That, considering the importance of the report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons of 1834, a reprint of it in a cheap form would be appreciated by the Temperance public and others, and would probably be extensively circulated."

Mr. JOSEPH THORP made a report as to the presentation of the address to the Sunday School Convention. The deputation was most courteously received, and it was agreed that the address should be printed among the proceedings of the Conference.*

Mr. COTTERELL having made a general report of the proceedings of the Convention, half an hour was devoted to the hearing of

PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS.

Mr. JOSEPH THORP read the following resolution as suggestive of a matter he wished to be considered :---

"The dangerous and exceptional nature of the trade in intoxicating drinks, officially declared by implication, in many acts of Parliament, and social, moral, and political evils resulting therefrom, prove, in the opinion of this Convention, that the pecuniary and political interests of those engaged in the Traffic are essentially inimical to the public weal, and that it becomes a subject claiming the serious deliberation of the Legislature, the elector, and the non-elector also, whether, in any future act for the amendment of the representation of the peop'e, it be consistent with the true interests of the people, and the true welfare of the community, that those so interested in the manufacture and common sale of intoxicating liquors should be invested with the elective franchise for members of the House of Commons and municipal corporations."

He wished to fortify members of Parliament writhing under the terror of the drink interest, in order that when the trade applied the thumbscrew, members might reply, "Gentlemen, you see the direction of public opinion on this question; you must be careful; there have been questions whether you should vote at all; therefore consider what you are doing by bringing the pressure to bear on me." This might help members of Parliament to emancipate themselves from a disgraceful thraldom. The disfranchisement of publicans would be no hardship. On taking his license, the publican would understand that he must relinquish the franchise, and therefore he would have no grievance.

Mr. POPE suggested that, although individual opinions might be expressed, the Convention ought not to commit itself by adopting any resolution which had not been considered by the Business Committee, and upon which there might be considerable difference of opinion.

Mr. W. SAUNDERS, referring to the recent Plymouth election, said that when Mr. Morrison, now the member, announced his intention of supporting the Permissive Bill, a roar arose from the publicans in the room, who said, "You will not be member for Plymouth." There were between 3,000 and 4,000 electors, of whom 400 were publicans. They did all they could to oppose Mr. Morrison; but in spite of that opposition Mr. Morrison was returned by a large majority. We had gained a much greater triumph by sending in a member who was in favour of the Bill, without depriving the publicans of their votes, than we could have done had they been deprived of the privilege of voting, for then the sympathies of the public might have been with the publicans instead of being with the publicans' victims.

For the account of the Deputation to Sunday School Convention, see Appendix.

Mr. WATTERSON, Manchester, thought arrangements for municipal elections had been a little overlooked, and, when the elections came on, Temperance men were not organised for the work. Prior to the elections, they ought to form themselves into committees, to select gentlemen of standing, and so have one ready for each ward. They would be then so organised that Watch Committees would be compelled to enforce the present law.

Mr. HAUGHTON suggested that Temperance Societies should consider the propriety of petitioning Parliament not to derive any revenue from intoxicating drinks.

Mr. TAYLOR, Bristol, wished to offer a suggestion which he had embodied in a resolution, as follows:-" That, in the opinion of this Convention, it is the duty of all Temperance Reformers to forego their private politics and to vote only for those candidates for parliamentary and municipal honours who may be in favour of the principle of the Permissive Bill of the United Kingdom Alliance."

The Rev. H. GALE said that the suggestion made by Mr. Thorp contemplated the existence of the Liquor-Traffic. As we did not mean to let it exist, why should we think about the disfranchisement of those engaged in it? (Laughter and cheers.)

After a few words from Mr. FOTHERGILL and Mr. M'ILLROY, of Canada,

The Rev. G. W. M'CREE said that some working men in St. Giles' gave him money to enable him to send a copy of the "Prize Essay," by Dr. Lees, to every clergyman and Nonconformist minister in the parish, and also to certain Sunday school libraries, working men's homes, &c. He would say to others, "Go and do likewise."

Mr. HARDING said they had lost sight of one class possessing great influence-namely, the 30,000 local preachers in the country-one half of whom he believed were with them. If any influence could be brought to bear on the whole of that body, more would be accomplished than he thought possible by any other means.

A MEMBER having suggested the systematic distribution of Temperance literature, tracts, &c., the Convention proceeded to pass a number of votes of thanks.

Mr. COTTERELL: By appointment of the Business Committee, I have to discharge the exceedingly pleasant, satisfactory, and agreeable duty of moving the most cordial thanks of the Convention to our President. I want also to say a word of encouragement to our poor in this world's goods only-the honest-hearted, hard-working, energetic Teetotalers, who reside in some of the out of the way country villages, who, amidst the greatest discouragements, are doing their utmost to spread the principles of true Temperance in the neighbourhoods in which they reside. I am glad to see a large sprinkling of them here. We don't know to how considerable an extent their consistent and persistent work may have contributed to the success of this Convention, and to the glorious meeting of last night. I move a vote of thanks to our President, for his kindness and urbanity during the proceedings of the Convention. (Applause.)

Baron de LYNDEN: I am very glad and greatly honoured in being