equal battle, they must be beaten and destroyed. They might, indeed, retard the advance of the Russians to Constantinople, by a skilful use of all the defensive positions afforded by the country, which, in some parts, is singularly strong. The ridge of Mount Hamus, which bounds the province of Romelia, would present, to the irruption of an enemy, uncom→ monly difficult passes, which, by an active army, might be defended to great advantage. But we doubt whether the Turkish armies possess that discipline and activity that would enable them, even on any conditions, to cope with their Russian adversaries; and we are not to suppose, that those who were not deterred from assaulting the almost impregnable fortress of Ismail, would stand very patiently before strong positions. By some means or other, they would contrive to penetrate through this mountainous country, after which there would be no intervening obstacle between, them and Constantinople; and there is little doubt, indeed, that they would soon be masters of that far-famed metropolis. Nor do we see any reason for regret on this head. Those barbarians have destroyed the civilization of the countries which they conquered; every thing has degenerated under their wretched domination, which it is an abuse of words to call a government; and they have never shewn the least tendency to profit by the improvements of Europe. Were these fine countries, which they possess, taken out of their management, it would greatly conduce to their happiness and improvement. This will not be denied by any one who has the least notion of the gross and brutal oppression which prevails every where throughout this barbarous empire. Every system of European government has always maintained this marked superiority over the Asiatic despotisms, that, however absolute the supreme power, it is exerted for the uniform protection of all. There is always perfect security for private property, and full scope for industry. Every man toils in the full confidence of enjoying the fruits of his labours; and if the matter be properly considered, it is for the interest of governments (to take even

the narrowest view of the matter) to afford equal protection to all, and to shelter the weak from the spoliations of the strong. But such is the ignorance of those wretched barbarians of the East, and so debased are the people in all their moral habits, that, with all their despotic power, they cannot accomplish this great object of all government. The light of knowledge has never arisen on these benighted regions; the government does not see, that, by protecting the industry of the people from the vexation of its delegated agents, it might raise a larger revenue, with less oppression to the people. Tyranny is never so perfect as when it has ignorance for its ally; and this is so completely the case in Turkey, that in many parts the land is left desolate, and only such part cultivated as will yield a bare subsistence to the peasant, who knows full well, that all beyond this would be seized upon, without scruple, by his rapacious masters.

Under the rule of Russia, we do not say that the inhabitants would enjoy the blessings of civil freedom in all their perfection; but they would enjoy all the freedom of which they are capable. All violent and unnecessary vexations would undoubtedly be repressed. No delegated minion of the supreme authority would henceforth be allowed to riot in the spoils of the people. The industrious labourer or merchant would no longer be fleeced without ceremony, and without mercy. Some barrier would be established between him and his oppressor, which could not be instantly overstepped; he could not be plundered as before, brevi manu; tyranny would be turned aside from its plain, straight-forward march; and, in the meantime, its former devoted victims would have leisure to prepare some scheme of defence. It is well known that the Russian Government is exemplary in the administration of impartial justice in its provinces, and that the iron hand of her vigorous government reaches the very extremities of her empire. That this is a just account of the policy of Russia, no one will doubt who is acquainted with the excellent regime which she has established in the mountainous pro

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vinces of Caucasus, ceded to her by Persia, and labouring at the time under all the worst vices of an ill-regulated territory, where the supreme power, though despotic, was scarcely ever felt. The people were all robbers; they lived by robbery as a trade, which was handed down from father to son, and was greatly favoured by the rugged and mountainous nature of the country, full of inac cessable fortresses and secure treats. To set about reclaiming the inhabitants from their Eastern habits of disorder, was truly an Herculean task. It was undertaken, however, by Russia; and by persevering efforts, admirably directed, the old trade of robbery and murder has been at length, in a good degree, superseded by commerce and industry. It is impossible to contemplate the stupendous efforts of Russia, for the improvement of the people in this remote quarter, without admiration. Roads have been constructed with incredible toil, across those vast mountain deserts; forts have been built, which are so many rallying points for the peaceable and industrious, and around which, accordingly, towns have arisen; and Cossack guards been distributed at convenient points, for the security of travellers, and of the commercial caravans which travel eastward into Persia. The progress which Russia has made in civilizing and improving these savage countries, is an earnest of what she, or any other European power, would accomplish in the equally-distracted and oppressed provinces of the Turkish empire: and we really, therefore, do not see any reason to regret the crisis that appears to be approaching, and that will probably terminate in the overthrow of this Eastern power.

Besides, it is plain, from the recent ma sacre of the Greeks, that there is no farther security for this oppressed race under the Turkish Government. A war of extermination appears to have begun between the two nations; and any treaty concluded with Turkey, whatever conditions it contained for their protection, must be entirely inefficient in the present infuriated state of the Turkish population. It would deliver the Greeks, hand and foot, into the power of their enemies. It is said, indeed, that the

Greeks are equally guilty with the Turks, of atrocious and unprovoked massacres, and an account is published of their sanguinary proceedings against the Turks, on the taking of Tripolitza. This may be true. Unhappily, mankind are seldom behindhand with each other in these enormities. The Greeks have been grievously provoked by their oppressors, and having a fair opportunity, they have indulged in a full measure of vengeance. Revenge has too keen a relish for the depraved appetites of mankind to be easily refrained from, when it can be safely indulged; and the history of the world is indeed stained with the mutual atrocities that spring out of national animosities. Of the two parties, however, who are now struggling for the mastery of Greece, the natives are in every view to be preferred, and they can certainly be guilty of no crime in which they are not far outdone by their Turkish oppressors. We do not indeed enter into those illusions drawn from ancient history, which would ascribe high refinement and humanity to the modern Greeks. They are considerably debased, no doubt, from the standard of their ancient manners. This must be, the case, considering the long servitude they have endured. But they must be, and it is well known that they still are, far superior to the Turks; and to give the supreme rule of the country into their hands, certainly appears to be by far the most eligible mode of terminating the present contest.

Some of our more zealous patriots have already reared up a fanciful structure of dangerous consequences to this country, from such an extension of the Russian power, and are dealing out, in all the pompous phraseology of the balancing system, predictions of evil, which can only be accomplished some thirty years hence, and that through a long chain of causes and consequences, which of course no untoward event is in any case to break, in order to disconcert these beautiful theories. It has always been the character of those who have taken upon them the care of the balance of power, to snuff up the scent of dangers at an immense distance, and, as if they had the gift of prescience, to embark in the calamity

of an immediate war, in order to avoid evils which were the subject of their sagacious foresight. But to surmise dangers to the balance of Europe, from an extension of power in an opposite direction, and over a people who must be refractory and rebellious against their new yoke for a century to come, certainly exceeds all former extravagance. It is manifest that Russia, by grasping at Turkey, must be rendered less capable, even if she were so disposed, to become the disturber of Europe. Her attention and her power would be directed to different objects, her forces would be required to keep her new subjects in awe, and the policy of her rulers would be directed to improve the uncertain tenure of recent conquest into a more solid and permanent tie. In whatever view the possession of Turkey by Russia can be considered, it must rather be a security to the other European powers against her ambitious designs, if any such she entertains, as she must evidently be less qualified for forming schemes of aggrandisement in Europe, when she has on her hands this new and useless acquisition. But even although the aggrandisement of Russia, by the conquest of Turkey, should alarm the continental powers, it need not alarm Great Britain. In the case of the partition of Poland, it was justly observed by Mr Burke, that, in regard to Great Britain, Poland might be considered a country in the moon; so little did he suppose that Britain was interested in such remote changes. Much more will the same doctrine apply to Turkey, with which we are still less connected, and from the possession of which by Russia, it is impossible for the most fertile imagination to divine any plausible ground of danger. We hope, therefore, that whatever happens, even although the continental powers, who are interested, should quarrel about the division of the spoil, Great Britain will stand completely neuter, holding fast by the policy of peace, and quietly repairing the injuries which her commerce and agriculture have sustained in the course of the late war.

6th, If we turn our view from Europe to South America, we find there the cause of independence every where triumphant. The vigorous

rulers of Buenos Ayres have not only achieved their own independence, but they have delivered both Chili and Peru from the yoke of the mother country. In the Caraccas, the leaders of the royal troops have rekindled the flames of war, of which it is difficult to see the object. Is it the intention of Spain to reduce her refractory colonies to submission? What is to be got by this, even if success were certain ? Colonies, in their best estate, are of little real advantage to the mother country. They are little else than a sort of ornamental appendage, more showy than solid. We may question, on general grounds, whether any benefit ever accrued to Spain, or whether any benefit can ever accrue to any other country, from the possession of such extensive and distant dependencies. This may be very rationally questioned. But when once those colonies, from whatever cause, become tired of the dominion of the parent state when they have revolted, and carried on a long war for the attainment of independence-and when it is apparent that no voluntary or equal union can any longer subsist, but that the colony must be subdued by force, and held fast to the mother country, not by the ties of a willing allegiance, but by the galling chain of military despotism; then it is quite clear, that such a connection, so far from producing any benefit to either party, must bring with it a long train of the most lamentable evils, and that, with a view to the mutual interests of both countries, it cannot be too speedily dissolved.

Now, this is precisely the state of matters between Spain and her colonies. They are, in fact, separated. That identity of feelings and interests which formerly united them, is gone. The charm of sovereign authority, which kept down the scattered elements of discontent, and hindered an explosion, is broken. The colonies have revolted-they have tried their new-born strength, and never again will they be the voluntary subjects of Spain. Though it was even possible for the mother country to crush them, what profit would there be in their forced subjection? But it is not likely that any such attempt could possibly succeed, and therefore any renewal of the

nizable by the tribunal. They were also under an obligation to relate all they knew concerning the affair, to cite the accused, and, in case of his condemnation, to pursue and put him to death, wherever he might be met with. The proceedings of this tribunal were carried on at night, and with the greatest mystery; and though it was usual to summon a culprit three times before sentence was passed, yet persons obnoxious to it were sometimes accused and condemned without any citation. After condemnation, it was almost impossible for any one to escape the vengeance of the Free Judges, for their commands set thousands of assassins in motion, who had sworn not to spare the life of their nearest relation, if required to sacrifice it, but to execute the decrees of the order with the most devoted obedience, even should they consider the object of their pursuit as the most innocent of men. Almost all persons of rank and fortune sought admission into the society; there were Free Judges even amongst the magistrates of the imperial cities, and every prince had some of their order in his council. When a member of this tribunal was not of himself strong enough to seize and put to death a criminal, he was not to lose sight of him until he met with a sufficient number of his comrades for the purpose, and these were obliged, upon his making certain signs, to lend him immediate assistance, without asking any questions. It was usual to hang up the person condemned, with a willow-branch, to the first tree; but, if circumstances obliged them to dispatch him with a poniard, they left it in his body, that it might be known he had not been assassinated, but executed by a Free Judge. All the transactions of the Sages, or Seers, (as they called themselves,) were enveloped in mystery, and it is even now unknown by what signs they revealed themselves to each other. At length their power became so extensive and redoubtable, that the Princes of the Empire found it necessary to unite their exertions for its suppression, in which they were at length successful.

The following account of this extraordinary association is given by

Madame de Staël:-" Des juges mysterieux inconnus l'un à l'autre, toujours masqués, et se rassemblant. pendant la nuit, punissoient dans le silence, et gravoient seulement sur le poignard qu'ils enforçoient dans le sein du coupable ce mot terrible: TRIBUNAL SECRET. Its prévenoient le condamné, en faisant crier trois fois sous les fenêtres de sa maison, Malheur, Malheur, Malheur ! Alors l'infortuné savoit que par-tout, dans l'étranger, dans son concitoyen, dans son parent même, il pouvoit trouver son meurtrier. La solitude, la foule, les villes, les campagnes, tout étoit rempli par la présence invisible de cette conscience armée qui poursuivoit les criminels. On conçoit comment cette terrible institution pouvoit être necessaire, dans un temps où chaque homme étoit fort contre tous, au lieu que tous doivent être forts contre chacun. Il falloit que la justice surprît le criminel avant qu'il pût s'en defendre; mais cette punition qui planoit dans les airs comme une ombre vengeresse, cette sentence mortelle qui pouvoit receler le sein même d'un ami, frappoit d'une invincible terreur."

L'Allemagne. Vol. II.

A TALE OF THE SECRET TRIBUNAL.

Night veil'd the mountains of the vine, And storms had rous'd the foaming Rhine,

And, mingling with the pinewood's roar,
Its billows hoarsely chaf'd the shore,
While glen and cavern, to their moans,
Gave answer, with a thousand tones:
Then, as the voice of storms appall'd
The peasant of the Odenwald",
Shuddering he deem'd, that, far on high,
"Twas the wild huntsman rushing by,

Riding the blast with phantom speed,
With cry of hound, and tramp of steed,
While his fierce train, as on they flew,
Their horns in savage chorus blew,

Till rock, and tower, and convent round,
Rung to the shrill unearthly sound.

Vain dreams! far other footsteps trac'd
The forest paths, in secret haste;
Far other sounds were on the night,
Though lost amidst the tempest's might,
That fill'd the echoing earth and sky,
With its own awful harmony..

The Odenwald, a forest-district near the Rhine, adjoining the territories of Darmstadt.