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with and worked among the real people.” The general outline which the author makes is remarkably accurate, taking into consideration, however, that "in speaking of the characteristics and habits of the Filipinos, the reader must constantly bear in mind that no characterization applies to all individuals or even to all classes."
The historical work begins with Chapter V and covers Parts II, III, and IV. “The Discovery and Conquest,” “Two and One-half Centuries of Stagnation” in the system of government, “The Awakening and Revolt,” the exposition of the Spanish colonial system with “The Governmental Organization," "The Legislation, Codes and Courts," "Taxation and Revenue," and "Personal Status" and "Trade Restrictions,” are subjects which are masterly treated and in which the author is fully documented. Every milestone in the history of the Spanish régime has been carefully marked out. It shows with impartiality the good and bad points of that system and proves that its failure was not due to intrinsical defects, but to the jealousy which naturally existed between two Powers each of whom considered itself supreme and with equal right to be at the steering wheel of the governmental ship, and prone, therefore, to hinder each other'at every important step: the civil and the ecclesiastical.
The history of the American rule in the Philippines covers the second half of the first volume and the whole of the second; beginning with “The Capture of Manila" and ending with the passage of the Jones Bill and the organization of the Philippine Legislature, composed of a House of Representatives and a Senate, both elective and composed exclusively of natives, and of a Cabinet formed by the heads of the several departments of the government, who are also Filipinos in their majority. “The Capture of Manila," "The Treaty of Paris," “The Military Occupation," and "The Filipino Rebellion” are four very interesting chapters, in which the respective subjects are treated with so much detail and the incidents told in such a vivid and pleasant strain of language that their reading is as fascinating as a fiction book.
The chapter on the “Policy of Expansion” refers to the time when there was a serious debate as to whether or not the Philippines should be retained by the United States, and gives a résumé of the arguments then adduced pro and con. In the chapter on “The Diplomacy of the Consulates” the author gives us some inside history of the relations between Admiral Dewey and Aguinaldo and his staff immediately prior to and after the battle of Manila Bay until the surrender
of Manila. The implication that there was an implied and express promise on the part of Dewey to assist Aguinaldo in establishing an independent state in the Philippines, which has been repeatedly made, is shown by the author to be, on the authority of the records of the American and Filipino Governments and armies, now accessible, wholly unfounded, and that the imputation made by Carl Schurz to the effect that America's early relations with the Filipino insurgents make "a story of deceit, false pretense, and brutal treachery to friends without parallel in the history of republics” is utterly false.
The second volume contains an account of the origin, institution, and nature of the Philippine Government, the manner in which it has been administered, and a summary and analysis of what has been accomplished by the Americans and Filipinos in the last sixteen years. “The Organization of the New Civil Government,” the disentangling of the somewhat complicated affairs of the church and the state, the establishment of provincial and municipal governments, the splendid results achieved in the sanitation and health of the islands, and the almost unbelievable progress made in the material development and the opening of ways of transportation and communication are only a few chapters in which the author shows how the United States has discharged her duty toward the Philippines and their people. But its crowning success has been in the education of the Filipinos; in this task, to which the Filipinos have responded, America has spared no efforts and no expense. The popular idea was that the Filipinos were to be transmuted into Americans of the most approved type; but according to the author, “our ambition should be to make good and efficient Filipinos out of all the inhabitants of the Islands. It is not necessary to try to make Yankees out of them.”
Judge Elliott has written of the American administration in a sympathetic spirit, but has not hesitated to criticize as well as to commend. In fact, in the opinion of the undersigned, the last chapter of his work contains too severe a criticism and too harsh a judgment on both American and Filipino officials under the administration of the last few years, which, the undersigned is sorry to say, does not harmonize with the rest of the work. There is a touch of the personal in his statements, and some facts and incidents are referred to and judgment passed on them when it is yet too early to do so, and still more when the results are in a way proving the contrary.
Events have succeeded each other in the last three years with such
rapidity that the Philippine Government is now under the immediate control of the Filipinos, and the ultimate success of America's experiment in nation culture depends upon the wisdom and ability of the Filipinos, instead of the Americans. If they succeed, “it will justify the faith in the inherent capacity of the natives upon which our Philippine policy is based, and redound to the honor of the United States and to the credit of the men who laid the foundation upon which the present structure rests."
I shall close this review by quoting the following paragraph from the preface of the author to the second volume:
I believe that the assumption of control over the Philippines could not honorably have been avoided without a shrinking from responsibility which would have been unworthy of a great and self-respecting nation. Its responsibilities have been borne without reward or hope of reward, other than that which comes from the faithful performance of gratuitous service for others. The United States is a greater and a nobler nation for having lifted the Filipinos out of the slough in which they were foundering and placed them well on the road toward nationality.
ANTONIO M. OPISSO.
America's Case against Germany. By Lindsay Rogers. New York:
E. P. Dutton Co. 1917. pp. xv + 264. $1.50 net.
In a compact volume consisting of a very useful bibliographical note, twelve brief and clear chapters, an appendix containing President Wilson's speech asking for recognition of the existence of a state of war, a list of German outrages on American ships and lives, and a sufficient index, Professor Rogers has presented the legal — and incidentally the moral - case of the United States against Germany.
The book is intended for the general reader. It gives an account as nearly as possible chronological, with explanations and interpretations, of the illegal acts of Germany and the consequent diplomatic controversies which ultimately left to the United States no alternative but to resort to arms in defense of American rights and the rights of all peoples. Untechnical, concise, and precise, it is easy reading and should serve admirably the purpose for which the author intended it: to contribute to the understanding of "the primary and indispensable part of America's case . . . which should be had by every intelligent citizen.” It deals with practically all of the major points which have been at issue, many of them of course not exhaustively, but all clearly.
Though obviously not intended for technical use, the very characteristics which recommend it for the purposes of the lay reader give it a value for the jurist or the student of international law: it epitomizes; it states facts, cases, and arguments, briefly and clearly.
Professor Rogers has been especially successful in convicting the German Government, from the evidence and admission of its own statements, of the violation and disregard of law with which it has been charged.
There are points at which and features in respect to which it will occur to probably every reader familiar with the materials that a somewhat fuller treatment and some modifications of method might have been made. Greater uniformity in the matter of giving dates, and the inclusion of footnote references to diplomatic documents and others — with perhaps a compendium of the most important — would be useful. But, as regards choice and statements of fact, and interpretation and argument, the author has been conspicuously sound. He has not attempted to pass judgment on the policies or decisions of the American Government. One of the nearest approaches appears in the statement: “The pretense of armed neutrality was anomalous and inadequate;" but he shows how the administration itself soon realized this to be the case. Whatever diversity of opinion men held as to whether the United States was tardy in entering the war, - before at last it did enter, "the issue had been made translucently clear." If there are still any to whom the case of the United States against Germany is not thus absolutely and supertranslucently clear, to such in particular Professor Rogers's presentation of the case may be recommended.
STANLEY K. HORNBECK.
Los Extranjeros en Venezuela. By Dr. D. Simón Planas Suárez.
2d ed., Lisbon: Centro Tipográfico Colonial. 1917. pp. 368.
The first edition of this book was published at Caracas in 1905. This is much more than a reprint. The author says that changes in legislation had caused him to decide to revise and complete the work, adapt it to the laws now in force, and add portions needed to make it useful and practical. He considers it a patriotic service to explain to foreigners the liberal treatment offered by Venezuela, which country, he says, is destined to occupy a prominent place in future migratory movement because of its geographical position, its natural
wealth, the generosity of its people, and its admirable laws. He thinks such a compendium indispensable to foreigners in the country and to those outside who wish to know what their condition would be if they entered. It is also needed by the executive and judicial officials in Venezuela and the legations and consulates of that Power in foreign countries, and by foreign diplomatic and consular officials in Venezuela.
His introductory essay on "Foreigners in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and Modern Times" is very interesting. From the Greek attitude of eternal war on the barbarians and the early Roman total disregard of the rights of foreigners, he traces the changing sentiment through the medieval ages, which he says was due to the Christian teaching of the essential unity of the human family. The law of nations, he thinks, had its birth in the Christian idea. Modern commercial relations and scientific discoveries, he adds, have brought mankind into such intimate relations that frontiers have disappeared and the individual has a universal country where his person, his dignity, and his independence are preserved intact. In most respects foreigners now enjoy the same privileges as nationals. The only important differences are that the former are deprived of certain political rights and, in case their presence might be dangerous to the state, may be excluded or even expelled.
His first chapter treats of "The Admission of Foreigners.” The right to exclude implies the right to fix the conditions of admission. Venezuelan laws are extremely liberal, he says; but its frontiers are not open ad libitum. To establish beyond question the right to exclude and regulate he quotes from many well-known authorities on international law. Then he gives the provisions of Venezuelan constitutional and statute laws on the subject.
The second chapter is on "The Expulsion of Foreigners." After establishing the right by arguments and numerous quotations, he gives the provisions of Venezuelan laws on this subject. He follows this by a brief statement of the laws of expulsion in sixteen other countries, which makes this chapter of much wider interest and value than most of the others.
The third chapter sets forth the "Civil Rights of Foreigners," relating to domicile, marriage, divorce, property, inheritance, corporations, copyrights, trade-marks, patents, educational institutions, etc. The fourth treats of “Political and Public Rights and Duties.”