the members of the Swiss directory, and of the senate and council, were nominally included, with all public functionaries. He also sent peremp、 tory orders to the directory, that they should dismiss two of their own body, and two other persons in office.

With all these injunctions, the Helvetic government was obliged to comply, to the indignation of all Switzerland. The warmest friends to the revolution, introduced by the French, reprobated this conduct of their commissioner as an act of the most oppressive tyranny, and lead ing ultimately to an universal dissatisfaction of all parties. The French government, apprehensive of the consequences of the ferment ation excited by these violent measures, rescinded them, and recalled their commissioner, with assurances, to the Helvetic body, that it should remain in full possession of the independence, and of the powers, vested in it by the constitution it had chosen,

But, notwithstanding these pro testations, the French party, secretly set in motion by the directory at Paris, lost no opportunity of carrying every measure that was agreeable to France. This complaisance rendered it extremely odious, to numbers of the staunchest adherents to the established system. They reproached that party with a pusillanimous subservience to all the dictates of France, to which it had sacrificed all those national objects that constituted real independence. It had bastly, and without that resistance which became trne republicans, yielded implicitly to all the requisitions made by the French, in matters wherein these could have no pretence to interfere,

after declaring that they aimed at no more than the extinction of aristocracy, and the establishment of a republic, founded on democratic principles. This being settled ac cording to their wishes, and cordially acquiesced in by the majority of people in Switzerland, as a better constitution than the former confederacy of the cantons, was it reasonable in the French to demand a resignation of all right to internal arrangements, of the sums raised by fair and equitable taxes for domestic purposes (and treasured up with that intent) of civil regula❤ tions congenial to the dispositions of the inhabitants, of the modes of worship to which they were attached, and even of the very calendar in use among them for cen turies!

These demands of the French had greatly diminished the good will of their sincerest partisans, They were viewed, not as the requisitions of friends, but the injunctions of masters, impelled by arrogance and the intoxication of power, to make trial how far the minds of men could be reduced to passive submission to manifest injus tice, against their consciousness of the tyranny exercised over them.

This conduct of the French was not only resented by the Swiss nation at large, but even by those who were most deeply concerned in maintaining a connection with France, and in supporting the new constitution. They felt the indignity of such a treatment, and the slavery to which it would lead. were they to remain silent, and abjectly to acquiesce in the ignominious yoke imposed upon them. The Helvetic government itself took up. seriously, the consideration

of the various matters that gave so much offence to the public, and came to a determination to lay them formally before the government of France, in hope of impressing it with the necessity of setting bounds to its pretensions, and of acting with moderation.

Zeltner, the minister-plenipotentiary at Paris, from the republic of Helvetia, was directed to remit a memorial, to this intent, to the French minister for foreign affairs. It was drawn up in a style of manliness and energy, worthy of the nation which he represented, and of the cause for which he pleaded. After describing the irregularities and oppressions of which the French agents had been guilty in Switzerland, he warned the French government to beware of driving to des peration a people not degenerated from the plain and uncorrupted manners of their ancestors, and who were not to be intimidated by harshness, though casily won by lenity should they be reduced to a situation so wretched, as to have nothing more to lose, they would become terrible through despair, and would renew the dreadful scenes of La Vendee. These were alarming truths, but they ought to be told to the directory, that it might, in time, calm the fermentation excited in the minds of the Swiss by a retrospect of their past sufferings, the continuance of their grievances, and the prospect of the ruin awaiting them. It behoved France, if it valued that liberty and equality for which so much blood had been spilled, to leave them in violate to the people of Switzerland, who then would have reason to look upon the French as their benefactors. The memorialist con

cluded, by requesting the restitu tion, to the republic of Helvetia, of the treasures that had been seized by the agents of France, and which were indispensably wanted for the exigences of the state. It required an exemption from all contributions, and the restoration of all the effects and property forcibly wrested from individuals: that the contents of all the military magazines should be returned: that no more French troops be stationed in Switzerland, than were absolutely necessary; and that they should evacuate it as soon as possible, and while they remained, be considered only as auxiliaries at the disposal of government: that the constitutional, government should exercise its powers without interruption: that the agents of France, in Switzerland, should consult with the Helvetic directory upon all points relating to the country, and act in no instance of this kind but with its assent, and in its name.

These demands,on the part of the republic established by France in Switzerland, were allowed to be reasonable by those who well knew the temper of the inhabitants, highly irritable when provoked by ill usage, and far removed, in the words of the memorialist, from the levity of the French in adopting innovations, the suppleness of the Italians in yielding to them, and the apathy of the Datch in bearing unresistingly with their admission.

The impolicy of the French, in their violent measures respecting Switzerland, had materially injured their interest with the Grisons, and the people of Swabia. Rather than submit to the French, after witnessing their treatment of the Swiss, the former had resolved to admit the Sovereignty

sovereignty of the emperor, which they had so long held in abhorrence, and were consulting at this very time upon what conditions to put themselves under his protection. Swabia, too, which was meditating the formation of a republic, was no less deterred from such an attempt by what had befallen their neighbours, the Swiss, and thought itmore prudent to preserve its present situation,than to exchange it for an alli ance with such friends and protectors as the French.

In Switzerland itself, the republican party that had called in the French, almost repented of what they had done: and their adherence to them was now positively more the result of necessity than choice. This party consisted chiefly of the inhabitants of towns. The peasantry strongly disapproved the new order of things, and expressed the deepest resentment at those that had introduced it, who for that reason were for their own safety constrained tomakeone common cause with the French. These, knowing how much this party depended upon them for their support against the remainder of their countrymen, artfully availed themselves of the jealousies of these, to keep the others in the profoundest subjection. Thus disunited, they were unable to oppose the despotic schemes of the French, who carried them on with an insolence and contempt of those whom they ruled in this oppressive manner; which was the more sensibly felt for the unrestraint with which it was manifested. A proof of the rigour exercised on the people of Switzerland was an edici of the Helvetic directory, suggested by the partisans of France, ordering the Swiss,in foreign parts, to repair to their country within the

space of a month, in order to take the civic oath: an obligation to be complied with by all citizens with out exception between the eleventh of August and the eleventh of September. The difficulties that arose at the same time in the negociations for an alliance between the French and Helvetic republics, fully demonstrated the repugnance of the former to coincide with the views of the latter, and to treat upon that footing of equality which it certainly was entitled to challenge as a free and independent state. It was conjectured that these difficulties were produced by the unwillingness of the Swiss to comply with the pecuniary demands of the French, who, straitened themselves for want of funds, had recourse to every expedient, in order to procure them, and employed, without scruple, coercive means when others failed, regardless of the dissatisfaction, or the distress to which they reduced those who were not in a capacity to resist their extortions.

The conditions of this treaty, by which an alliance offensive and defensive was concluded between the two republics, were not so favourable to Switzerland as the republican party there had endeavoured to make them. The only restitution it could obtain, was of the artillery taken out of its magazines. No mention was made in the treaty of the various other articles specified in the memorial of Zeltner, and the restoration of which he had demanded, as an act of justice.

But the Frosch,in addition to the spoils they had already gained from Switzerland, reaped an advantage of the most important nature in a commercial and military light. This was a free passage through the Hel

vetic territories to Germany and Italy, both in war and peace. It was also stipulated that no asylum should be afforded to the emigrants from France. This treaty was signed at Paris on the twenty-eighth of August.

This settlement of the affairs of Switzerland, so much to the interest of France, did not however satisfy the views of the directory. A branch of the Helvetic nation yet remained disunited from that body, of which it had for ages formed an integral member, though in a state of independence. This was the country of the Grisons, like Switzerland, fortified by nature, and in habited by a brave and hardy people, equally fond of their liberty,and able to defend it. Both the French and the Austrians were desirous to secure the possession of this country, the situation of which would greatly favour the military operations of either. Could France obtain it, a chain of communication would ensue, of the highest importance, reaching from Basle in the northern extremity of Switzerland, to An cona, upon the Adriatic sea. Thus the Helvetic and Cisalpine repubFics would uninterruptedly be con nected, and France acquire an additional frontier on the side of Satoy. Piedmont, still in the hands of the king of Sardinia, would thereby be hemmed in,and the passages into the Tyrol thrown open. mineral productions of the country of the Grisons were also immense, and herein alone it must prove an acquisition of the most essential value.

The

All these considerations occupied the attention of the directory. Suspeeting that the intentions of the Imperial court were hostile, the

Frenchgovernment was solicitous to prevent its taking possession of the Grisons, and to that intent ordered the army under Schauenberg, assisted by the military contingent of Helvetia, to approach the confines of that country, in hope of the French party there being able to effect a declaration in its favour.

The Imperial troops were in great force in the neighbourhood, and preparing to enter the territory of the Grisons, who had formally refused their consent to an incorporation with the Helvetian republic, and invited the emperor to take them under his protection. The French resident at Coira, the capital of the country of the Grisons, had busily exerted himself to bring over as many of them as could be prevailed upon to join the association he was forming in favour of France. He wrote a conciliatory letter to the ruling powers; but it was received with the utmost contempt, trod under foot, torn into pieces, and flung out of the windows. He had given them to understand, that France would not patiently see the liberty and independence of the Grisons made over to strangers, (meaning the Austrians) by a faction of bigots, and would certainly in terpose in behalf of the patriotic party. The reception his letter had met with, greatly rejoiced the parti. sans of France, who were now sa tisfied that the indignation the French must feel at such treatment, would infallibly induce them to take the severest vengeance.

During these transactions in Swit zerland, in Holland, and at Rome, the republic founded in the north of Italy, under the name of Cisalpine, had also experienced some internal vicissitudes. Its founder, Buona,

parte,

After concluding the peace of Campo Formio, he thought it proper, before his departure for France, to take a valedictory view of this favourite commonwealth, and to make such final arrangements, as might ensare its internal tranquillity, and produce a spirit of concord and satisfaction among all classes.

He was at this period in the height of his glory: the courage and conduct he had displayed in the field, and the sagacity and determination with which he had brought the negociation for peace to a prosperous issue, had raised him above all competitors; and what was most singular he had not attained his thirtieth year. With such advantages in his favour, it was not surprising that his influence should be decisive in all matters, and that so much confidence should be placed in his judgment.

His conciliating disposition and manners had won him the attachment of many of the bitterest enemies to the French, and to republican principles. The respect, which he lost no occasion of paying to the moderate and discreet part of the clergy, had procured him great popularity, and he judiciously took pa ticular care to treat with the highest deference every individual of that class whose character was deserve ly reverenced by the public.

The letter he wrote to the archbishop of Genos, some time before he left Italy, did both him and that ecclesiastic equal honour and ser

vice. That prelate had addressed a pastoral letter to the people of his diocese, conceived in terms of great prudence and moderation. Buonaparte, to whom he had sent a copy of it, returned him an answer, which, as it is strongly characteristic of so celebrated a personage, and displays in a particular manner his sentiments upon subjects of this nature, deserves to be recorded not less than his military feats. His words were as follows: "In reading your pastoral letter, reverend citizen, I thought I recognized one of the apostles. Thus it was that St. Paul wrote.

I

How truly respectable is religion, when enforced by such supporters as you. You are a true apostle, for you preach the gospel, and compel your enemies to esteem you. How happens it that the priests of your diocese are actuated by so different a spirit? Christ sought only to act by conviction,. and submitted to death rather than use violence to propagate his doctrine. Wicked priests only can preach the effusion of blood. hope shortly to be at Genoa, where I shall esteem it a peculiar happiness to converse with a person of your character. Suchy relates as Fenelon was, and as the bishops of Milan, Ravenna, and Genoa, are at present, confer the highest lustre upon religion. They not only preach but practise it. A good and virtuous bishop is the best present that heaven can make to a city, and to a whole country.”

This epistle did Buonaparte the more credit, that it coincided with the sentiments of the public respecting the three illustrious persons whom he mentioned in such respectful terms. It shewed he was reither a bigot, nor an enemy torational re