lousy, to entrust some of his fortified places to the Imperial generals, by whose experience and bravery they might have effectually stopped the progress of the French, and probably saved Italy, this ill-advised monarch was finally constrained to put his very capital, the strongest of all, into their hands, and thereby to give up in fact the sovereignty of his dominions.

While the north of Italy was thus experiencing the consequences of its subjection to the French, they were solicitously preparing the means of extending their conquests to the south, though strongly professing themselves averse to aggressive measures, and only desirous to procure their own security.

The kingdom of Naples, so frequently called the paradise of Italy, had hitherto, by its distance from France, been considered as placed out of the reach of revolutionary measures. Connected, however, by matrimonial ties, with the house of Austria, it had,in the campaign of 1796, assisted it with troops and money, till, compelled by the successes of Buonaparte, to withdraw them, and conclude a treaty of peace and neutrality. The pacification of Campo Formio, in which one of its ministers, the marquis de Gallo, took an active and successful share, seemed to have remo.ed its apprehensions of being again involved in a contest with France. But the situation of affairs appeared every where so precarious, that the Neapolitan ministry judged it necessary to prepare for the worst that might happen, especially as the disputes between France and Rome, though settled in appearance, by the treaty of Tolentino, had left a spirit of innovation among the people of

the ecclesiastical states, the city of Rome in particular, that foreboded disturbances of a revolutionary nature, and of which the French would probably avail themselves, as they had done elsewhere. In this case they would become such near and dangerous neighbours, that altercations with them would hardly be avoidable.

On this presumption, which events justified, an edict was published at Naples, granting a pardon to all deserters from the Neapolitan armies, on condition of their immediately returning to their colours. This was done with the double view of recruiting the army, and of withdrawing a number of Neapolitans from the Cisalpine service, wherein they might imbibe republican notions.

These precautions were takenduring the two last months of 1797.The revolution that happened in Rome the following months raised such an alarm in the councils of Naples, that thirty thousand of its troops were stationed on the frontiers; and the roads from the Roman territories were furnished with cannon as if an invasion was expected from that quarter.

Unwilling to create fresh causes of terror in a power, which, though not formidable in itself, might be rendered so by the junction of others, the directory appointed an ambassador to the Neapolitan monarch, with instructions to impress him with the persuasion, that the politics of France respecting him, were friendly and pacific.

The person chosen for this purpose, was Garrat, a man of capacity and learning, who had been one of the convention that converted France into a republic, in 1792. In his first audience, which was on

the

the eighth of May, 1798, he addressed the king in a speech replete with eloquence and virtuous senti ments. But the insincerity of the professions of amity and good will, so elegantly expressed by its ministers to foreign princes, was too much suspected in the mouth of Garrat,a violent republican,to make any impression in favour of the directory. The consciousness of the mortification his presence occasioned to the queen of Naples, sister to the un fortunate Antoinette, consort to Lewis XVI. induced him shortly to renounce his embassy, after having vainly tried to palliate the enormities of the revolution.

In the mean time, the disturbances in the country of the Grisons, that followed, and were caused by the revolution in Switzerland, had entirely altered the situation of things between France and Austria. As it was not expected that the latter would acquiesce peaceably in a change so materially detrimental to its interest, as the union of the Helvetic body with the French republic, so it was not doubted but the favourable opportunity of assuming the protection of the Grisons on their own consent and invitation, against the projected usurpations of France, would be readily embraced by the court of Vienna. As the French, on the other hand, would not desist from their pretensions, a renewal of hostilities was evidently unavoidable: in which case the intimate connection subsisting between Naples and Vienna would necessarily induce them to make a common cause against that formidable enemy.

Such being the relative situation of those two courts, that of Naples immediately proceeded, on the

prospect of what must shortly hap pen, to make as large additions to its army, and to raise as considerable supplies of money as could pos sibly be procured by all the means and exertions it was able to resort to, in acrisis which it looked upon as infallibly decisive of its future des tiny.

Nevertheless all due care was taken to obviate complaints on the part of France. Proclamations were issued, enjoining the Neapoli. tans to consider the French as their friends, and to treat them as such, and particularly to avoid all occasions of quarrel and altercation between individuals of the two na tions, as tending so usually to more serious feuds.

It was remarkable, that on the present emergency, the church was called upon, in a peculiar manner, to supply the necessities of the state. An enumeration was made of all the convents, both of men and wo men, in the kingdom, and of their possessions and revenues, and in pro portion to these they were assessed the maintenance of a soldier for every five conventuals. Clergymen, possessing benefices of a thou sand ducats yearly, were each charged with the expence of a man. The danger, to which they felt their professions exposed, recon ciled the clergy and the monastic orders to this tax, to which proba bly they would not otherwise have submitted. These assessments maintained, it was said, twelve thousand men. The barons of the realm were, in like manner, required to raise and pay a considerable body of cavalry. In order, at the same time, to provide sufficient numbers for the large army that was to be set on foot, every fifth man, able to

bear

bear arms, was enrolled for the service. The ways and means employed to find money for the support of these numerous forces, were very productive. The requisition upon plate alone produced Dear fifty millions of ducats.

In the midst of these vast preparations, the terror inspired by the proximity of the French armies, still carried invincible influence over the Neapolitan councils. Garrat, the French ambassador, had, before his departure, demanded the liberation from confinement of all individuals detained for their political opinions, whom he styled the unfortunate friends of France, making it a condition of its amity, and of its guaranteeing Naples against any attempts from the Italian republic. The court was highly irritated at this demand; but, after a multiplicity of fruitless endeavours to elude it, was obliged to comply. The number of individuals set at liberty through this interference of France, was not so considerable as to endanger the state; but they were persons of noted character and intrepidity. In that light their release from prison was viewed as a circumstance highly injurious to the court, on account of the liberties they would take in exposing its conduct to them as oppressive and iniquitous, and of their endeavours to induce people to shake off the yoke of a government that exercised such tyranny, and to use their efforts for the obtaining another more equi

table and free.

Thus it was clear, that without a close alliance with Austria, the revolutionary opinions, daily gaining ground in the kingdom of Naples, chiefly in the capital, would, after spreading through all classes, excite

commotions that might prove finally too strong to be resisted. It was resolved, therefore, to arm the royal authority with all the power that could be collected at home, and with all the strength that could be derived from a potent ally abroad, interested, from motives no less cogent than its own, to arrest the progress of a party that seemed deter mined to stop at nothing for the compassing of its ends; and without the total extermination of which no monarch could be safe on his throne.

Under this conviction, the court of Naples saw no other method of securing its existence, than by renewing, without farther delay, its alliance with Austria, which now stood, though with more extensive means of defence, much in a simi❤ lar situation. The French governmen, not ignorant of the secret intentions of both these powers, and hoping to strike with fresh terror that which it deemed most susceptible of fear, and thereby to prevent his juncion with the other, gave formal notice to the Neapolitan ministry, that it expected a punctual observance of that article of the treaty subsisting between them, by which only four English ships of war were admissible at a time into any or all its harbours; without which restriction the English might fill with their ships of war all the ports of Naples and Sicily.

But the Neapolitan ministry had now resolved to listen neither to its threats nor promises. It was too deeply alarmed at the expedition under the command of Buonaparte, the destination of which was not yet ascertained, but who had seized on Malta, and was thought to me nace other islands. Little confi

ding

ding in the good faith of the French, it did not think itself bound in prudence to conform literally to the words of a treaty, while France, by daily extending its acquisitions under insidious pretences, was breaking through the spirit of all treaties, and authorising all states to consult their security and defence by all the means they could possibly devise.

In the mean-while, the French were augmenting the number of their forces at Rome, and evidently, making preparations for hostile measures; which report concurred from all quarters to direct against Naples. It was time, therefore, to make counter-preparations, though at the expence of incurring their displeasure. Additional levies of men were made, and every measure taken to put the kingdom in a posture of defence.

Heavy complaints, as it had been foreseen, were laid before the Neapolitan ministry, which was menaced with the severest resentment of France, at this manifestation of inimical designs. It was explicitly warned not to place too much dependence on a power so distant as Austria, and to recollect what forces France had at Rome, and how soon they could be at Naples before it could possibly receive assistance from abroad. It was reminded at the same time, of the numbers of malcontents that would join the French on their arrival, and with what a spirit of revenge they were animated for the severities that had been exercised upon them.

These threatening remonstrances did not however produce the effect intended. The court, on the contrary, apprehending the intrigues of those whom it had freed from confinement, through the in

terference of Garrat, remanded them to prison, and menaced with the like treatment every person that should endeavour to stir up discon tent or sedition, or profess himself an abettor of the French or of their principles.

The aspect of affairs began, at this period, to prove less favourable to this restless nation. A treaty was concluded between the emperor and the king of Naples, by which the latter was to be aided with a powerful army. The former occupied the countries adjacent to Switzerland, with numerous forces, and his resolution was avowedly taken to assist the Grisons against the well known projects of the French, who had fail ed in their endeavours to prevail up on that people to join them, and admit a French army into their coun try, notwithstanding the intrigues and the menaces of the directory.

Irritated at the firmness with which the court of Naples had proceeded to arm in its own defence, and to suppress the malcontents in its dominions, the French government filled all the papers in its pay with complaints and denunciations of its vengeance. La Combe St. Michael, the ambassador appointed in the room of Garrat, was ordered to insist in the most positive terms on its desisting from the hostile measures it had taken, and laying aside the warlike appearance it had assumed, under pain of incurring the utmost indignation of France, and experiencing the consequences that would follow.

It was now verging towards the close of September, and Europe was filled with the news of a decisive vic tory obtained by an English fleet, under admiral Nelson, over a French fleet, on the coast of Egypt. The

effects

sentiments.

effects produced every where, by this great event (as will, by and by, appear), were astonishing. The submissive and adulatory style, which the dread of the French had so widely spread, vanished at once from both speech and writing, and people boldly expressed their real In Italy especially, the rancour excited by their disrespect to religion, rouzed the multitude in almost every part of that spacious country, and plainly proved that fear alone had hitherto prevented men from manifesting the abhorrence in which they held them. In all those places which were not kept in awe, bythe immediate terror of their arms and presence, a spirit of hatred and inveteracy started up, that united all classes in a determination to cooperate in their expulsion.

The kingdom of Naples, which had hitherto remained unattempted, and now hoped that all dangers of this nature were at an end, testified the loudest joy at this deliverance, and the most zealous readiness to second the enemies of the French, in driving them out of italy. It was not only for the insults they were guilty of to the religion of the country, but for their insupportable haughtiness, that all degrees so unanimously concurred in viewing them with malevolence. Among other instances of tyrannical pride, general Macdonald, who commanded at Rome, had lately deposed the consuls of that republic, and substituted others in their places: the proclamation issued upon this occasion, concluded with these remarkable words: "Such is the will of the great nat.on, and it must be obeyed." Such arrogance and pretensions could not fail to expose them to general odiun..

The people of Malta were the first to set the example of an insurrection against theni. Buonaparte, on his departure, had left a garrison of about three thousand men, in that island. They remained some time at peace with the inhabitants; but proceeded gradually to make so many requisitions, particularly of the plate belonging to the churches and hospitals, that a universal rising took place on the twenty-sixth of August: the people, whose patience was exhausted by their insolence and their extortions, attacked them with such fury, that they were obliged to take refuge in the forts, where the inhabitants kept them closely confined. The Trench government attributed this insurrection to the court of Naples, as it did every occurrence in Italy unfavourable to them.

But the Neapolitan ministry, no longer intimidated by the continual effusions of anger proceeding from the directory, continued its operations with the utmost vigour. It placed general Provere, who had so much signalized himself in the campaigns against Buonaparte, at the head of the army, which was kept in a continual state of exercise, and officered by as many expert individuals as could be procured, and to whom the greatest encouragement was given.

It was with reason that the king of Naples made all these preparations. The wrath of the French was kindled to the highest pitch, at the unfeigned exultation he had, in coinmon with his people, displayed at the success of the English. He had gone out to sea to meet admiral Nelson, and had received him with undissembled joy. His victory over the French, and the destruction of

their fleet, were celebrated at Naples, as triumphs in which the whole kingdom