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racy are things he will never understand; he knows only conquered and subject peoples, whom it is his privilege to treat as slaves. Fate has given him domination over large numbers of Christian populations which his religion teaches him to look upon as lower than cattle, and his treatment of them has always accorded with this conception. An unfortunate phase of the problem is that these subject peoples themselves are not without their serious shortcomings. Such things as popular education and a fair chance have not been their experience.

4. Rearranging frontiers in accordance with European animosities and ambitions, sending food and clothes to keep alive the remnants of Turkish massacre-certainly the modern world should have some better method than this. There is only one possible way of establishing permanent civilization in this part of the world. Five centu

ries prove that the Turk will never succeed in establishing order. The inevitable conclusion is that the Turk, as a ruling power, should therefore cease to exist. To extinguish a long established power is a great responsibility, which the progressive nations should not lightly assume; but instances may come when it is their duty to do so, and this is emphatically one of them. The United States decided that the sovereignty of Spain should cease in Cuba; for reasons not unlike those which now apply in Turkey; and it acted on this decision with results most successful to Cuba and the world. Similarly mankind has a mighty surgical operation to perform in the Ottoman Empire. The subject populations of Turkey, in their present state of progress, can hardly be trusted with sovereign powers even over themselves. The American experience in the Philippines is the classic illustration of the most enlightened colonial methods. Here was a great area which for centuries had known little except inter-racial strife, whose people had been sunk in ignorance and degradation, in which communicable disease annually removed a considerable percentage of the population, and in which public schools, modern agricultural methods, and means of communication-railways and highways-were all but unknown. The work that needs to be done in Turkey is not dissimilar to that which the United States has accomplished so brilliantly in these Pacific Islands. In 10 or 20 years this great region in the Near East would be one of the most

prosperous anl contented in the world. The point to be aimed at would not be the advantage of some particular European nation; the only object would be that elevation of the average man that is the only certain guarantee of human advancement. Financially such a programme would not be absurd, for the riches of the country, honestly handled, would easily carry the burden.

5. Impossible idealism? It was not a dream 24 years ago in Cuba and the Philippines; but America brings to such a problem of statesmanship a new set of ideas, a new conception of its responsibility as a nation and these attitudes are different from those that control European diplomacy. Europe has something behind her which the United States happily does not possess -a history; her difficulties are the result of those racial and religious rivalries and hatreds; those differences in language and social conceptions, those nationalistic struggles, which have been operative for 2,000 years. These things really hamstring the best intentioned European statesmen. America knows nothing of such retarding impulses; that is the real reason why she is fitted, as is no other power, to lend a helping hand. There will be no permanent settlement of the "Turkish problem" until some such programme as that sketched above is adopted. And if America has anything to teach a distracted Europe that is the lesson it can teach. If the United States has any mission in the world, beyond cultivating its own interests, is it not in engaging in just such enterprises as this? Anything that suggests "entangling alliances" or aggression is 'necessarily antagonistic to the American genius: but there would be rothing of the sort in such a task; it would be a work of sheer unselfishness, engaged in only for the purpose of benefiting several millions of much suffering men, women and children. Indeed it would only be an extension by the nation of the work which has been carried on for threequarters of a century by private American agencies. American schools, doc tors, and relief organizations have for years in this great region made the American name a synonym for good works. The United States is trusted, by both Turk and Christiar, as is no other country. The United States is also the only nation that could assume such a leadership without arousing those European jealousies and antagonisms that have baffled all efforts to cure the ills of the Near East. Such an enterprise would be as novel and refreshing an innovation, and accomplish as much in introducing new ideals into international relations, as did the Washington Conference. W. W., D. '22.


"What Else Did Father Do?"

Condensed from Scribner's Magazine
Edward W. Bok

MAN who had built up a big business decided to retire. He said to me: "I have made the mistake so common to most American business men. I have followed my business to the exclusion of all else. With my active temperament, I cannot sit down and twiddle my thumbs, and to play golf all year seems a waste of time. Golf and the theatre have been my only hobbies. Pretty barren. I realize it now."

This man had given his money liberally, and I asked him what particular charity had interested him most. He told me. "Why don't you go into that work, and supply exactly what they need to make it more effective?" Finally, he saw what so many business men fail to see: that what business demands in a man is precisely what the organizations outside of business demand. It is not a question of a different set of talents; it is exactly the same set of talents. It is the clear, steady head, with the force and personality of the business man, sharpened in affairs that is so urgently needed in so many welfare organizations.

This man became president of the organization. A happier man is scarcely to be found. He revitalized the organization, effected economies, and last winter it did a quality and quantity of work unequalled in its history. All it needed was practical leadership to send it skimming along new and unseen paths which were at once obvious to the trained business mind.

A man had overexerted in his business during the war and broken down. Three physicians finally succeeded in bringing him around. "But," they warned, "no return to your old business. You go into some

entirely new line; something that will absorb you as did your business; something, if possible, for the benefit of your fellow men. Forget moneymaking. You've done enough of that. Keep away from the old grooves."

This man is now as busy and as contented as any man I ever saw. In answer to my question, he said: "Happy? Never been so happy in my life, or felt so well. I wouldn't have believed it possible how differently a man can feel working for the other fellow instead of working for himself."

The truth is, if men could realize what that feeling really is and what it means to one's mental, physical, and spiritual being we would have just the right exodus from the business world that would be beneficial to it and into the world so full of waiting responsibilities and offering a quality of service where those men are needed, where the new and different work would add ten years to the lives of those who, in business, feel burdened, depressed, and old before their time. They have become jaded from a lifetime of sameness.

What the average man cannot get through his head is the idea of dividing his life between two periods -one of requisition and the other of distribution. John D. Rockefeller sensed this and has reached the age of 83, with his mind active enough with his distributions to keep him vitally interested, while all his other associates in Standard Oil who failed to do it have passed off. A man's life is like the soil of a farm: the point comes when he must put into the soil what he has taken out, else life becomes barren and unproductive.

It is not so much the man who has made money in large quantities as the man who has large God-given executive ability, and who, having acquired ample means, is entirely able, if he wishes, to turn his ability from further personal aggrandisement to a similar achievement in a field where he will build up some effective instrument for others. The sooner this man realizes that no inner and complete satisfaction will come to him if he persists in his self-centred course, the sooner he gets the truth into his mind that from those to whom much has been given much is expected; the sooner it comes to him that what is his today has come to him from the public and should in a measure go back to that public; the sooner he realizes that we who are fathers will in the future be remembered by our children, not by the money we were able to pile up, but by what we did with it when we got it-the sooner we will see a more contented race of American men instead of a growing proportion of men who are dropping in their tracks from strains on their hearts overworked in the race for more power, more money.

Our sons and daughters are already beginning to see and discuss that there is something more to life than the mere making of money; that man cannot live by bread alone. They are going to look back and ask, as asked one son recently: "Yes, father made money. But what else did he do?" Everywhere the signs are on the horizon. Talk with the future men and women who are leaving our colleges. It is no longer the sordid material mind that knows only the dollar-mark and nothing else.

What else in the future have we, as fathers, that is worth while except our children? It is all very well to

expect much of them. But what do we give them to go by in our lives and our examples? How will our records bear the scrutiny of the son or daughter with an awakened civic conscience which already believes, and will realize more fully in the years to come, that for a man to live a four-squared life he must have made the world a little better be cause he lived in it? This is not idle theory: it is a fact, a state of mind already with us.

A chap returned from college and told his father that he wanted to go in for civic work. The remark set the father to thinking. Finally he suggested that the boy take up the business so that he himself could gradually get out, to devote his time to the welfare of the city. The plan came about. Twenty months later

the son said:

"Well, father, you're certainly going it strong in your city work. You're on the first page again this evening. At this rate you're certainly going to have Sis and me remember you as something more than a money-maker."

It is not meeting the case for a man to give his check or his name to the betterment of his fellowmen.

The names of a lot of capable men appear on the boards or committees of organizations for social worknames that mean a check and not even casual interest. At least in our service for others let us be honest. If we are posted as directors let us help to direct. But to fool the public, to perjure ourselves, is infinitely worse than to stand forth in honest declaration that the mart is our god, and that we are indifferent to the judgment of our children when they ask in the years to come: "What else did father do?" Scrib. M., D., '22.

"I much appreciate your very valuable "Time Saver' and consider it indispensable to one who is supposed to be conversant with the very best magazines."-H. G. S., Oxford, Mich.

A Cure for the Party Evil

Condensed from Current Opinion

Dr. Frank Crane, Editor

"This plan of voting by school districts and by mail is advocated by Dr. Benjamin F. Wooding, who has devoted much thought to the idea. His suggestions fell in with my own ideas, presented in this article."-Frank Crane.


HE plan here presented proposes:

To abolish all our present election districts, officials and machinery; to make every election district co-terminous with the school district; to make the officials of the school the sole judges of election; to have posted up in the schoolhouse the list of the electors of that district, to be verified and kept up to date by the school officials, the list always to be open for public inspection; to vote only by mail, in franked envelopes containing the sealed envelope of the voter's ballot, with a detachable slip upon which the voter's signature is written.

Some of the advantages of the plan are: That it will make voting easy, intelligent and universal; that the people can easily and quickly vote upon clear issues; that school districts at present entirely cover the United States, are already established and in constant working order; that the children may thus be brought into close contact with their government, learn to understand it, whereas at present it seems to them a remote affair.

The purpose of the plan is to cure the party evil and do away with the necessity for permanent political party organizations, which are the curse of the country and the very

worst cancer that has developed on the breast of democracy.

We have only to carry the party idea to its logical conclusion in order entirely to destroy this government. That we have had parties for a long time, and that the country, nevertheless, has prospered, is about on a level with the argument that a man can manage to get along and make a living if he is blind or has only one arm. All the prosperity of the country, all its health and idealism, have come in spite of parties and against their bitter opposition. If anyone will stop to think he will soon realize that the main and practically the only reason that we think we must have political parties is because we always have had them. Vaccination, hospitals, public schools-all of these things were fiercely attacked because they were innovations.

The party idea is not American. It originated in Europe, where political parties are aftermaths of monarchy, and draw their support from the same root idea, which is that people are incapable of governing themselves except as they are herded and as they are bossed by superior human beings. The party idea also arises from the erroneous belief that the only way we can get justice, law or liberty is by putting up two forces of men and letting them fight it out. The founders of our republic had no notion of establishing a government that was to be run by political parties. That notion came later.

It was bitterly contested by the greatest constructive American statesmen.

The effect of the political party is to transfer the loyalty of the Congressman or Senator or President, or other official, from the interests of

the whole people to the interests of the political organization. Officeholders are made to feel that that which keeps them in power is not the favor of their people, but the favor of their party. The consequences of this are well known and disastrous. Party interests are usually put above public interests.

Parties being well organized and anxiously supported by office-seekers, furnish a most convenient opportunity for bribery, lobbyism and corruption. Evil men who could not corrupt the whole people find no difficulty in controlling a party organization. The whole history of corrupt politics in the United States is closely interwoven with the history of political parties.

The party system is favorable to the growth and strength of reactionary ideas. It is opposed to healthful and normal change. It is favorable to stagnation. A government is kept fresh and healthy only as it is brought in continual contact with the whole body of the people. No great reform, no step forward, has ever originated with a political party. Parties take advantage of these reforms, and climb on the wagon after it gets going. The abolition of slavery, prohibition, the enfranchisement of women, are the three outstanding progressive reforms made in the United States. Not one of them was due to party initiative.

Not to have political parties does not imply that there should be no political organizations. There is no reason why there should not be a League of Women Voters or other leagues interested in labor, the tariff, or prohibition. These leagues only become dangerous when they cease to have as an object the influencing of the minds of the people and have for their object the usurpation of government.

The root of partyism is fear of the people. It is directly opposed to the very core of democracy, which is a trust in the people. Every political partisan will bitterly attack the pro

gram here outlined. He knows that it would put him out of business.

Partisanship in politics brings politics into disrepute. In a democracy politics is necessary. The ordinary man today has a contempt for politics and for those who engage in it. His contempt really is not for politics, but it is for partisanship, for it is partisanship that has degraded politics. Remove the incubus of the political party, and politics will become of immense interest to the whole body of citizens, and the children could be trained in it.

Partisanship in politics is on а level with sectarianism in religion. Those who say that there could be no practical efficient politics without parties are on a par with those who consider that the interests of religion are entirely bound up with their own particular sect.

The party disfranchises many citizens. The number of citizens who do not vote at all is great and is growing. They give very good reasons for their course of conduct. They say they have nothing to do with the selection of the candidates or of the issues. And whichever candidate is elected makes little difference to them. If people could vote directly for candidates without at the same time voting for a mass of corrupt bosses and political workers, many more would vote.

With two dominant political parties, the people are divided against each other, and this division was usually made by their parents and their forefathers before them. About 40 per cent belong to one party and 40 per cent to the other. Thus 80 per cent of the people are arrayed against each other in the lists of blind prejudice. That party wins which presents a sufficient number of the unattached 20 per cent. It is really, therefore, the 20 per cent, and a fraction of that, which determines the government-a government by a minority and not by a majority. In great crises, such as the late people put aside all questions (Continued on page 626)


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