sand words, you are sure to include much more constructive information than if you transmit five hundred. I think also that we can do much in the way of international contacts. The Chinese and Japanese groups in this Institute alone, if they could seek audience in America by speech and in print, could do for a whole great nation something of the service they have already done to this small meeting. Perhaps there are those here of both races, who could render some similar service in the Orient. People do not distrust each other when they know each other. And on us in America is the stupendous task of educating our own people in the international mind. As to Pacific problems we have less obstacle of tradition but also more obstacle of ignorance and prejudice than in the case of European problems. Either way we have to combat that reaction toward isolation which has been the most disastrous product of our rebound from the exaltation of war. If we can train our people to think internationally at all, I have faith that they will think right.

15. PRESENT DAY CHINA

BY L. T. CHEN

I always hesitate to speak on China, for there seems to be a superabundance of authorities on Far Eastern affairs these days and I am learning new things about my country from them every day. Only last Saturday, we were told through the editorial columns of a local paper that China has no newspapers outside of foreign treaty ports!

The awakening of China began when she found herself overpowered by the nations of the West, especially in the art of killing. The forces of awakening fall mainly into two groups-one led by Kang Yu Wei and Liang Chi Chao and the other by Dr. Sun Yat Sen. The objective of these groups is the same how to help China to adapt herself to the new life which is surging around her. The group of leaders led by Kang and Liang believed in the slow process of gradual reform. Under the impetus of this group Royal Commissions and Chinese students were sent out to various countries to study their political, educational, social, industrial organization with a view to incorporating the good points in them into our life. Dr. Sun on the other hand believed in the quick method of revolution, of tearing down the old monarchial structure which he considered to be the chief obstacle in the way of progress in China.

It is the converging of these two lines of forces working between the years 1880 to 1910 which led to the establishment of the Republic in 1911. Now what has been happening in China since the Republic came into being?

With the Republic came two groups of leaders. One group was led by Dr. Sun representing the more forward looking elements in the country. The other group was led by Yuan Shih Kai who rallied round himself the more conservative elements in the country, many of whom were not too well resigned to the disappearance of the Manchu regime. These two groups soon began to struggle for supremacy in the new Republic. The issue was centered round the constitution. Yuan wanted a constitution in which the executive power would be lodged with the president. Dr. Sun on the other hand wanted a constitution in which the executive power would be lodged in the cabinet and the cabinet in turn to be responsible to the two houses of our national parliament. In this struggle Dr. Sun won his point.

But Yuan Shih Kai immediately set out to disregard the constitution which led in 1913 to what is termed the Second Revolution. With the aid of foreign loans, Yuan crushed this revolt and thereby gave such a blow to our republican experiment that we have not yet recovered from its effects. He drove out Sun's followers, threw out his own cabinet and disbanded the parliament. You will perhaps understand why feeling in China is so strong against the Power which made it possible for Yuan to do all this to our young Republic.

In 1914-1915, Yuan began a process of consolidation of his own power by placing his own most trusted men as governors of various provinces. In 1916 he felt himself sufficiently entrenched in this way to declare himself Emperor. This was a fatal act for him. By declaring ourselves independent from him the people soon put Yuan into the position of an Emperor without an Empire and he had to cancel his own monarchy with his death which followed shortly after his failure. The first part of the history of the Republic may be said to have come to a close.

The next period from 1916 to the present day is mainly characterized by the personal struggles of the men whom Yuan had made governors of various provinces. While he was living, they all acknowledged him as their common leader. With his death, they began to fight among themselves for leadership and power. First came the struggle against the Anfu party, then the rise of the Chili party, then the clash between the Chili party and the Mukden party. Politically there has been much disturbance but little progress in these last few years.

The political rallying cry of these military chiefs is "Unification of China by military force." With the defeat of General Wu last autumn that theory of political development for China is finally discredited. The failure of this policy is due primarily to the fact that public opinion in China has been dead set against it all along. What the people desire to

see is the establishment of provincial self-government and then later federation into a central government. We have learned the lesson that we cannot legislate a republic into existence. It can only come when the people realize their responsibility in its creation and maintenance.

The realization of this new approach is fundamental. Instead of meddling with politics the saner elements in the country are devoting themselves to the less conspicuous task of social and educational activities. The most important achievement in this field is the awakening of the social mind, in other words, the growth of public opinion. A foreign critic remarked:

To the superficial observer who looks only at outward forms and conventional signs, China is a Republic only in name. But as a matter of fact public opinion in China, democratic after its own fashion, is making itself felt in a slow, clumsy, but nevertheless positive manner. On the part of many this recognition of the great power of public opinion may be almost subconscious, but the feeling is there even though ill-defined. How the troops feel, what the people think, the opinion of foreign residents and even the judgment of the outside world, all is weighed in the minds of the military leaders, and how to influence public opinion in their favor seems to preoccupy their thoughts far more than questions of strategy or tactics.

To put the case concretely public opinion and not military prowess determines the victory and defeat of even the military factions in China. In 1922 when Fengtien and Chili clashed public opinion favored Wu Pei Fu and he won. Last fall when the same forces clashed Wu lost because public opinion was against him.

Public opinion is created in China in three ways. The printing press has, of course, served its full purpose. The country has been flooded with newspapers and magazines. Books and pamphlets are widely circulated, dealing with fundamentals of government and economics as well as the latest social theories and political movements in other countries. Another method is the public lecture. On holidays and during vacations the students freely give their time for patriotic purposes. In the villages and rural districts these youthful teachers find people ready to devour whatever they have to tell. The third method, perhaps the most powerful, is the discussion carried on in small clubs and societies all over the country. In these clubs Bergson, Gandhi and Dewey or Russell are freely studied, criticized and discussed. What a tremendous influence these discussions have upon the students, and in turn those to whom they lectured, cannot be over-estimated. These methods were enhanced by the phenomenal adoption of the spoken language as the medium of literature. This brought about a change which can only be expressed as a revolution. It literally opened up the store house of knowledge which hitherto had been locked to the general public. The classical style had been too difficult for the common people and the popular feeling demanded some common and simple vehicle through which it might find expression. So the combined effect of the simplified language

and the vigorous measures of patriotic propaganda not only awakened the people to a sense of responsibility but also revived in the minds of the people a keen sense of group consciousness which may be called nationalism.

This feeling of national consciousness was also quickened by the Great War. Strange to say, instead of being impressed with the organization and machineries in that colossal conflict the Chinese fell back to question the real worth of western civilization. In other words, instead of blindly paying the customary homage to the achievements of the Occident, Chinese thought searched more carefully its own heritage, thinking that there was probably something of more intrinsic value in what they had laid aside and pronounced old-fashioned. In a word the war drove the Chinese back to a revaluation of not only what they had introduced from the West but also what they had inherited from their ancestors in ages past. China is re-asserting itself believing she has some special contribution to make to the common stock of world welfare and civilization.

Let me now briefly mention a few facts to indicate that the history of the last decade and half has not been entirely devoid of progress either in industry and commerce or in other lines of constructive work.

Since the advent of the Republic in 1911 there has been a steady decrease in the importation of foreign cotton goods, due to the growth of cotton industry in China. In June, 1920, there were only 35 mills; last year there were in operation no less than 76 mills constituting 60 per cent of the whole industry in China. Other industries such as soap and candle factories, match factories, factories for preparing egg products, canneries, cement and brick work and flour mills and various other lines of industry are assuming proportions of importance. A recent industry was the manufacture of hairnets. It flourished as rapidly as it was killed by the fashion of bobbed hair, thus inflicting another international injustice upon China! In brief, China has not been slow in seizing opportunities for industrial development and customs receipts during the last decade show a steady increase every year, which is a sure indication of the growing trade with other countries.

I shall not touch upon the educational forces except to mention the increase of students from 1,500,000 in 1910 to 7,000,000 in 1924 and the initiation of mass education which has swept 13 provinces. Other organizations like the Good Roads Movement, Public Health Association, the National Athletic Association, the Association for the Advancement of Education, the Chambers of Commerce, the Educational Associations, the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A., and the church are all exerting very positive influence as forces of reconstruction in China. Special mention should be made of the Citizenship Education that the Y. M. C. A. is promoting and

the efforts by the Christian forces in bringing about labor legislation and social reforms. Two years ago there was also started a movement for organized municipal volunteer corps. All these serve to indicate the active interest and responsibility that the people are taking in shaping the destiny of the nation.

My final word is with respect to the strikes which started in Shanghai and are now spreading into other parts of the country. You are familiar with the facts of the case. What the Chinese protested against was the killing of the students and the fact that the police opened fire ten seconds after warning was given. I also want to point out that at the start it was not a racial issue but rather a protest against the misrule of the municipal government on the part of one section of the city's population. The fact that in the municipal administration the Chinese are not represented has lent it the appearance of a racial issue. The stubbornness of the municipal authorities alone was responsible for the spread of the strikes. I know from personal knowledge that had the municipal authorities listened to the suggestions made by a group of impartial men the situation could have been localized to Shanghai and the strike could have been called off in three days. Because of the want of regard for the Chinese a simple affair has been aggravated to very serious dimensions.

16. A SUGGESTION FOR MORE ENLIGHTENED IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION POLICIES

BY KENZO TAKAYANAGI

It is human nature to desire to migrate-in quest of food, knowledge, beautiful scenery, or for other purposes. This desire in the present era of highly developed transportation, extends to the four corners of the globe. The desire to migrate may be termed, to use an 18th century expression, a "natural right" of migration. Within State boundaries, the freedom of migration is guaranteed to aliens as well as to citizens, but when it comes to international migration, this desire is checked by state boundaries, where a high Chinese wall is set up to prevent others from coming in. In other words, over against the "natural right" of migration, there exists a desire, a demand, or a "natural right" on the part of the persons who have previously occupied-by discovery, conquest or otherwise the territory which they call their own, to refuse newcomers entrance. The desire of the former occupier-or of "vested interests"-in the sphere of international politics is fully protected by positive international law in the name of "sovereignty" of each state which guarantees the right to regulate immigration, especially so far as migration of laborers is concerned.