developing between industries in Chinese hands and those in the hands of aliens. This situation points to the demand for tariff autonomy.

The converging of all these forces in China has brought about the awakening on the part of the Chinese people. With this awakening a twofold tendency has developed among the people of China, one internal and the other external. The determination to keep our educational program out of politics, the movement towards provincial self-government, the coming of the women's movement, the changes in social and family life, all these represent internal adjustments in our life.

Externally, our people see the urgent necessity of readjustment. First, is the matter of tariff autonomy. In order that the more highly industrialized nations may always find an open market in China, we have been deprived of our right to fix our own tariff rates on imports. I think I am a fair-minded man and yet I have never been able to find any justification for the present tariff arrangement and the Chinese people will never be satisfied until a more fundamental solution of the problem is reached than by dangling before us the bait of tariff revision. Second is the question of extra-territorial rights. You are familiar with all the reasons advanced for or against extra-territorial rights in China. I do not wish to go into these. But if I may give you my interpretation of the situation I think the real but unexpressed reason why this question is hanging fire at the present moment is because in the mind of the West the question has become so much involved with the question of Western prestige in the East. The fact of Western prestige in the East has disappeared ever since the war in Europe but the paraphernalia of bolstering up this fancied prestige is still there. Until that paraphernalia is swept away there will be no peace.

Then there is the demand for the revision of so-called unjust treaties. which concern territories, ceded or leased, financial concessions, etc. and for an equitable readjustment in the matter of the status of Chinese in other territories. We are also exercised in the matter of the international traffic in drugs and arms as they affect China.

In conclusion, may I say that this process of readjustment going on in China, internally and externally, is still going on under the "left-over" leadership from the days after the monarchy. Because of this, the progress made appears halting, slow and futile. This is inevitable. The real leaders of China are in the process of maturing and it will be ten or fifteen years before they will make their fullest contribution to the nation. In the meantime pressure from within and without is impinging upon us. Adjustments had to be made and they are being made. Now you will understand the reason for China's plea for time and opportunity to make these adjustments in our own way. It is the only permanent solution possible.

7. AN HAWAIIAN VIEW OF PACIFIC RELATIONS

BY ROMANZO ADAMS

It may be questioned whether there is a viewpoint distinctively Hawaiian or a viewpoint common to the various peoples of Hawaii. Here in Hawaii we have a population consisting of peoples who have come very recently from both shores of the Pacific and from Europe. These people have not as yet developed that unity of thought and feeling that is characteristic of a homogeneous people and it is not improbable that there is a considerable variety of viewpoints depending on the traditional attitudes of the respective peoples and on the practical circumstances of their experience in Hawaii.

And still, it is a common experience of people who have lived in Hawaii even for a few years that their way of thinking about certain matters undergoes a change. The Chinese in Hawaii, especially those of Hawaiian birth or education, do not think in just the same terms as their relatives in the old country. Hawaiian born Japanese who travel in Japan feel themselves to be in a strange country. They react much as do other Americans from Hawaii. We of American origin maintain our contacts with the mainland by reading and travel, by converse with numerous visitors, and by close commercial and political relations. Nevertheless, we are conscious of a way of looking at some factors of our own situation that is at variance from that of the typical mainlander. While the writer would not claim to represent it adequately, he believes that there is a somewhat distinct Hawaiian viewpoint, at least, that there is such a viewpoint in process of development.

Doubtless our attitudes, so far as they are distinctive, grow out of the practical situation. A brief statement relative to our situation may therefore not be out of place.

There are in Hawaii ten or twelve groups of people of different national origin and representing several races. On account of the smallness of the area of the Islands and of their population and because of historic circumstances and social traditions, the contacts between the various peoples have been uncommonly numerous, varied and natural, for contacts between peoples of different races and widely differing cultures. To an unusual extent peoples of different races meet under conditions of approximate equality and under conditions favorable to understanding, appreciation, and cooperation. While their contacts were originally based on industrial and commercial interests they are not confined to such interests, but on the contrary extend over a wide field. This is particularly true of those who are not separated by difference in language, chiefly the younger people. It is significant that there is no law or custom to prevent inter-racial associations of all sorts.

Various races are guests at the Governor's reception or dine at a common table. No hotel, theater, or other public place draws a race line. Children of all races attend school together and play together. Honolulu is the banner baseball city of the world with sixty or seventy-five regular clubs operating during the whole year and numerous seasonal clubs besides. For the most part these clubs are inter-racial and so are the crowds on the side lines. People of more than one race are guests at a wedding. The youth of various races dance to the same music and on the same floor. About a fourth of all marriages in Hawaii are across national and race lines and there is no race or nationality that does not participate, the greatest participation being by those who have lived longest in the Islands.

What is distinctive in the Hawaiian viewpoint comes from the greater intensity of contact and from its more nearly natural quality. By multiplicity and variety of contacts people come to know eath other. Mere business contacts do not furnish the basis for real acquaintance. They tend to represent only the material interests and people who meet only in business ways see in each other mainly the more sordid aspect of character. Only by the wider associations can people really come to know each other.

In Hawaii, because of the great differences in material culture, wealth, leadership and power have been largely along race lines. One numerically small racial group has exercised an influence greatly disproportionate to its numbers. This too parallels the situation in the larger area. Much of the stimulus that is destined to transform the Pacific world has come from these same people more advanced in the utilization of scientific knowledge.

Out of this leadership of men of one race certain attitudes have developed among the peoples of Hawaii. In times past the white man has assumed a certain superiority of leadership and this assumption was in large measure functional. In so far as it was functional, that is, in so far as he did actually render superior service through his knowledge of the sciences and the practical arts, through his religious teachings and ethical ideals, there was no disposition to question his practical superiority. The other groups accepted-perhaps even welcomed-such leadership and accorded to the leaders a prestige which was, incidentally, along racial lines.

With the passage of time the situation has changed. Whatever advantages rested with the white people at first are being acquired by members of the other races. Schools and other educational agencies have made this possible. The economic opportunities and the laws have favored. Ambition on the part of young men of other races has not been wanting and it is increasingly evident that a fair proportion of them possess the ability and character essential to leadership. As more of them acquire the knowledge and the technique that gave the white man his leadership they are aspiring

to positions of more dignity and power. They see that not all white men are superior. They believe that superiority is personal and not racial.

Naturally enough there are members of the White race-particularly those members who are not conscious of any marked personal superioritywho do not look with favor on any tendency toward the equalization of competition. There is a vested interest in race prejudice and in the assumption of race inequality.

The practical question involved in the assumption of race inequality is not one of mathematics or biology. It is not that any one is interested in maintaining that the members of any two races possess any characteristic in exactly the same degree. The members of one race may be of greater stature, those of another may be superior in mental alertness and still another may possess more philosophic calm. But this is not the question. The real issue relates to ethics and practical relations. Shall there be legal discriminations based, not on personal merit, but on race? Shall opportunity be given to some rather than to others, not on grounds of personal merit, but because they belong to a race assumed to be superior? Shall the opinions of some be given weight not because of their superior validity but because of the racial prestige of him who utters them? Shall honor and position and power be reserved largely to persons of one race or shall they be open to all according to personal merit?

As education and economic success are reducing the differential of advantage between the White race and the others the attitude of increasing numbers implies questions of this sort. Increasingly competition between White men and others will be on a more nearly even basis and this is sure to result in a considerable readjustment of social status.

The industrial

Fortunately in Hawaii we have agencies through which such readjustments may be made without resort to struggle on the lowest plane-the plane of physical force. We have a system of free public education open to all alike. The laws are not, in form, unequal in relation to the native born, and such differences as there may be in practice will disappear automatically as the voting strength of certain groups increases. Political rights and privileges will become equal with the passage of years. opportunity is such that members of all the racial groups are improving their economic position. Clannishness that exists on account of difference in language will disappear when all speak the same tongue. Numerous interracial marriages create a situation in which racial distinctions lose their sharpness of outline and one in which race prejudice tends to be lost. Under the condition of varied contacts, acquaintance, and complex social relationships, propaganda against any race group undertaken for political or economic class advantage are likely to fail. If one looks into the future with

the trained imagination of the social scientist he can see pretty clearly the main steps through which Hawaii's race problem will be resolved, not without conflict but without catastrophe. Such struggles as there may be will be staged mainly in the economic field. It will be a contest of industry, thrift, enterprise, reliability and perhaps other less praiseworthy business qualities. But it will extend to the political field, to education, recreation and to all other social relations.

In the great Pacific area, too, there will be a readjustment involving national power and prestige. Unfortunately the agencies fit to bring about such readjustments-in a peaceful way are not so much in evidence. Contacts are too largely financial and commercial-they are too sordid in charDiplomatic relations have principal reference to contacts of this narrow type. Because of the very size of the area and of the populations it is difficult to establish contacts on a higher plane-the contacts through which the peoples might come to know each other appreciatively. Where people meet each other on the basis of commercial and financial interests almost exclusively, and that at long range, there is pretty sure to be misunderstanding, suspicion and fear.

Over the vast area of the Pacific Area close personal contacts must of necessity be limited to the few. It is to be desired that these contacts be established to a greater extent by men and women of good will and insight who will make it their business to interpret each people to the others. If science could be used more for the general good and less for selfish exploitation, if education were to emphasize international patriotism, if religious agencies were to devote themselves more to interpretation and illustration and, perhaps, less to propaganda, if literature, art and philosophy were to have a larger part in international contacts there would be a better prospect for a solution of the Pacific problems on the basis of justice and cooperation.

Is it too much to hope that this Institute will set in motion forces which will, as the years go by, contribute increasingly to this end?

8. A JAPANESE VIEW OF PACIFIC RELATIONS

BY M. SAWAYANAGI

We Japanese members are fully aware of the vast magnitude and farreaching importance of the problems we are invited to discuss. Upon the right understanding and tactful handling of these problems will depend peace and harmony between the nations bordering on the Pacific.

It is in a spirit of diffidence and humility that we approach the discussion of these important problems. We feel it our duty to conduct all dis