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CHAPTER VIII.

"A little sun, a little rain,

And then night sweeps along the plain,
And all things fade away."

IRELAND seemed now to be looking beyond the dark cloud that overshadowed her head, and feeling that she should yet stand forth in her own national strength, and again rejoice in that freedom which was hers, when no foreign foot had trampled her soil to enslave it. October 1779, was the eventful opening of a parliament, when assembled men of sterling principle, whose gigantic minds grasped at once that liberty, that equality, that justice, which are instincts in the soul of every man, and which every man should boldly claim.

Daly, Forbes, Flood, Burgh, Yelverton, Bushe, Pery, and Grattan, were there. Yes, the noble Grattan, whose influence had been felt in that parliament since 1775, and who now came forth robed with new dignity, hallowed that assembly, and gave to it a tone which nothing but true greatness could do. The electric spark which had been kindled throughout the country he fanned brighter; and his country, sunk and degraded as she was, knew and appreciated him; and she appreciates him still. Now, in the desolate chambers of that once proud "Linen Hall," in Dublin, he stands, pointing to the ruins that encircle him, while his weeping countrymen, as they show him to the stranger, say, "O, that we had him now!"

Henry Flood had stood long in that parliament, and his logical powers were said to be masterly. Opposition armed him at once cap-à-pie with the whole panoply of argument; and his presence of mind never failed him. Yet he had been so long conversant with the intrigues, the vascillations, and waverings of political life, that he had become, as Barrington says, "sceptical." His wisdom made him so, and he sometimes doubted, from a

shrewd discernment of human nature, which the purity of Grattan's own mind, never allowed him to do.

Burgh was a little differently moulded from either of the preceding. He was a speaker of great brilliancy, his manners of the highest polish, and to sum him up, Mr. Flood has graphically said, "He did not live to be ennobled by patent-he was ennobled by nature."

Barry Yelverton was distinguished for oratory, nice taste, and strong understanding, bold and vehement; but alas! he debased his noble powers by selling his country at last.

Pery was an experienced patriot, had been an efficient member of parliament since 1751; he did much for his country, when opportunity allowed him, and was always found on the right side when the question was doubtful. Freedom of trade, corn-laws, tenantry bill, tithe bill, and independence of the Irish parliament, always had from him a strong support. The crowning of his whole character was, his historian says, "There was not a particle of deceit in his whole constitution." Would that this could be said of all the men of talent that appeared on the stage at that important era. John Fitzgibbon was one of Ireland's bold patriots, when she was rising; but he basely trampled her under foot when his own fortunes demanded it, and when she most needed his aid.

Dennis Daly was a most strenuous advocate of freedom in trade, in religion, and in politics; and was always on the side of the oppressed. Noble, praiseworthy trait!

Parker Bushe was morally great, and strongly opposed to the American war, though he held office under go

vernment.

John Forbes contended powerfully against all that opposed the welfare of his country, and was a man of strong and active talent.

Haly Hutchin, should not be forgotten, as a strong advocate for liberty, though a great office-seeker.

These are not all the noble-minded patriots who sat in that house, October 1779; nor were these spirits idle, and well is it known that the important subjects then discussed, carried weight beyond that house. “Free trade”

was the subject. "Free trade" was granted; but coming so tardily, and with such humiliating extortions, they proved quite unsatisfactory, being resumable at pleasure by the English parliament. Independence, entire independence, was the unanimous demand. A speech from Burgh, as pithy as it was effective, produced the most thrilling, if not alarming effects. "Talk not to me," said he, "of peace; Ireland is not in a state of peace, it is smothered war. England has sown her laws like dragon's teeth, and they have sprung up in armed men.” Never, never was a clearer, juster figure than this; and though scattered among 42,000 armed volunteers, like arrows, and at such a crisis too, yet it could not be unsaid; and its fearful echo is now on every breeze-the houseless, homeless outcast, on mountain and in glen, by the highways and ditches, are the living the dying mementos of these piercing "dragon-teeth."

Grattan now arose in all his moral strength, to move for a declaration of Irish rights: he met opposition, many deserted him, and he was defeated; but though he fell, he "fell in his robes," for the discussion, though lost in the house, had full and free course outside the walls. They had no mutiny bill, and denying the force of the British law, the disarmament of the militia might at any time take place; and when the bill which was read and carried in the Irish parliament, was returned from England, a clause was added, rendering it perpetual. This was a dreadful blow, the dragon-teeth were watered again, and the people were roused; councils were held, the volunteers awakened to new life, reviews were now common, all classes witnessed these well-disciplined bodies with the deepest interest; ladies plied the needle, embroidered colours, and presented them to the different companies. These companies, though they had been moving in perfect harmony, self-governed, yet now resolved to choose leaders, and the Duke of Leinster was elected with great pomp, as general-in-chief over that province; the other provinces followed the example, and the Earl of Charlemont was elected as commanderin-chief of the whole.

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He was not fitted wholly for so great a work, his domestic virtues were more brilliant than his public ones; small things disturbed him, and he lacked decision. His appointment to office was followed with great and grand reviews; at the north, Belfast was the most complete, 60,000 spectators were present, and Lord Camden on reviewing it said, "Keep it up, keep it up, for depend upon it, England will never forgive you."

The volunteers felt that as parliament had refused to grant a declaration of rights, they must know the mind of the nation, and delegates from all the corps were elected, met, passed resolutions and published them. A great meeting was held at Dungannon, when two hundred and forty-two men, delegates from twenty-five thousand of armed volunteers, assembled in the church of that place, dressed in the various uniforms of their respective regiments; and such was the solemnity and stillness of that assembly for some time, that " many were softened into tears.' The resolutions then psased, were proposed by Mr. Grattan, Mr. Flood, and Lord Charlemont.

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These resolutions are too numerous to be embodied here-but they are such as a Grattan and Flood could embody, which reflects honour on them as lovers of liberty and country; and such as, if they had been adopted by England, and carried forward, would, long before now, have wiped the foul blot of Ireland's wrongs from her escutcheon, and which aroused all parties to renewed exertions.

The Bishop of Derry, an Englishman and English peer, was at the head of a party to throw off the English yoke, and urged the volunteers forward, while there was no power to resist them. They were now strong, united, disciplined, and England was in trouble with Cornwallis; they, therefore, had every thing to hope. This bold man was opposed by Lord Charlemont and the whigs, and every energetic movement discountenanced. England now felt that these "rebellious Irish" would slip from their grasp, if new sops were not sent over; and the Duke of Portland was prepared, at the open

ing of the House of Commons, to apply the soothing opiates as soon as the declaration of rights should be presented. The volunteers made imposing sights in different parts of the city, but no riot and no noise was heard. Grattan entered, when after a little pause, the lord-lieutenant said-(and ye who are politicians and parliament men hear, for who can better understand than you, the zigzag windings, the secret connivings, the empty blusterings, and the nameless intriguings of men in office, men in power, and men who love office and love power, when this their blessed "craft is in danger :")—

"His Majesty, being concerned to find that discontents and jealousies were prevailing amongst his loyal subjects of Ireland, upon matters of great weight and importance, recommended the house, to take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to effect such a final adjustment as might give satisfaction to both kingdoms."

This was followed by Huchinson and Ponsonby, who praised the king, and ended by assuring him, that his faithful subjects would act in accordance to his wishes. This declaration changed the face of things. And now Grattan arose, and in the might of that moral strength which carries all before it, he made a speech, which stands as one of the most finished specimens of oratory and patriotism, that was ever made in any house of parliament; his generous, and too confiding heart, discovered in this message nothing but love for Ireland, and he told his hoping, deceived hearers, that they were now a free people, and that that this was the first joyful moment for ages that this happy title could be claimed. "Ireland, he added, is now a nation!" He then invoked the spirits of Swift and Molyneux, and said, "Your genius has prevailed! Esto perpetua." Thanks were now returned to his Majesty, with the warmest testimonies of attachment to his government, that while they willingly acknowledged that they are annexed to the British crown, yet they claimed a parliament of their own, and to be the sole legislator thereof. This they claimed as a birthright, and "which we cannot yield but with our

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