Like his son and grandson he was an unfaltering believer in liberty as the right of the common people; hence in the convention of 1791 he is seen voting firmly though reluctantly for the death of Louis XVI. Returning from his victorious campaign as commander of the army of the north against Austria, he was chosen one of the committee of public safety, and had chief direction of all military operations. Having opposed the bloody ambition of Robespierre and the vindictive cruelty of Couthon and Barras, he found refuge in Germany in 1797. On his return to Paris he was made war minister in 1800, in which office his singularly brilliant administrative work made possible Napoleon Bonaparte's victories in the Rhenish and Italian campaigns and consequent exaltation to the imperial throne. Unwavering in his republicanism, he opposed the ambitious designs of the First Consul, first voting against the life-consulate, then casting his vote alone in the senate against making Napoleon emperor, then sacrificing his public career and uncomplainingly retiring to his favorite scientific pursuits. But when in 1812 Napoleon's disasters seemed to bring France into mortal peril, this magnanimous patriot offered his sword to the defeated emperor, was put in command at Antwerp, served as minister of war, was proscribed after Napoleon's final abdication, and retired to Magdeburg in Prussian Saxony, where he died in 1823. In this man's stalwart loyalty to principle, and his generous and patriotic disregard of selfinterest, are traceable some fundamental lines in his distinguished grandson's character. The extreme radicalism of the grandsire's earlier years was never developed in the president's career.

President Sadi Carnot in his childhood showed fondness for mathematical studies, and was sent by his father to study engineering in the polytechnic school. His advancement in his chosen branch of scholarship was rapid, and his brilliant academic course closed in 1863 with high honors. Equal success attended his professional career, and he was early made a state engineer, taking rank among the foremost of his profession in France. After admirable work in organizing and establishing the defenses of Normandy, he was appointed in 1871 prefect of the Lower Seine. He began political life as a representative of Côte d'Or in the chamber of deputies, in which body as a member of the democratic left-centre he was for several years a steadfast advocate of all measures for consolidating the republic on enduring foundations. Through

the ensuing period of rapid and continuous shifting of political factions, as in a series of dissolving views, Carnot held steadily to his main principles, though gradually finding his lines of action with the opportunists or conservative republicans. This was in accord with the calm, selfcontained, patient nature of the man-he could not sacrifice his basal principles, but he could consent that they should bide their time while the tide was rising to bear them securely onward.

His first ministerial office was as minister of public works in M. Ferry's cabinet in 1880 and 1881, while he was also a senator. M. Sadi Carnot's management of public works, including railways, canals, rivers, and harbors, showed him to be a strong executive head. He controlled an expenditure of about $50,000,000 annually; and his professional staff included seventy-two chief engineers, 240 ordinary engineers, and about 1,500 assistant engineers. In the cabinet of M. Brisson in 1885 he was again minister of public works, and later minister of finance, holding the last-named portfolio also in M. de Freycinet's cabinet as reconstructed early in 1886. It does not appear that he was an original or brilliant finance minister: no public notice was attracted to his administration, there were no strokes of genius, nothing was done for popular effect. However, the period was the latter part of President Grévy's term; and M. Carnot's method and style were sufficiently unusual to be impressive amid the common official posing and stage action and the thinly covered intrigues of ambition whose paths crossed one another in a tangled maze. It is probable that this undistinguished portion of his career was the time when he really became a distinguished man-public and official men then unconsciously estimating him and labelling him at unawares in their memory. Sadi Carnot's almost austere probity, his manhood self-poised in a movement free from all bonds of intrigue, and free both from the impulses and from the restraints of any ambition for himself, his incapacity of lending himself as a pliant tool for the ambition of any others the unwavering and unwaning light of such quiet qualities made an impression more abiding than any dashes and flashes of brilliancy could have given. If honesty, simple honesty, carried to its full development, be not genius, it is because it is something mightier and higher. In the case of M. Carnot, its influence came into manifestation at a time of crisis not long subsequent.

In December, 1886, M. Carnot left the ministry with

De Freycinet's cabinet, and the next year the sudden downfall of President Grévy brought a national crisis in the emergence of hidden dishonesties which filled with scandals the air around the presidential chair. The president himself was unfortunately involved, though not shown to be a partner in fraud. His son-in-law, David Wilson, was discovered to be an avaricious schemer, whose trading on his connection with the president had been permitted through the weakness of that high official. Other scandals also were abroad. Sinuous paths of ambition, on which were the footprints of men prominent in official life, were laid open to public view. The nation was in no mood for further disgrace. Republican government itself was brought into question: corruption seemed to honeycomb and underlie the fabric of the state. Who now was to succeed Grévy? The new president might be of this or that republican faction; he might or might not be splendid as an orator or as a party leader: one thing was necessary; he must be an honest man. Inasmuch as the French president is elected not by popular vote, but by a vote in the legislative body, the legislators were suddenly thrown into an active canvass. Of the eleven candidates eminent in official service, law, or political debate, whose names were proposed, M. Sadi Carnot was one, but he had at first no prominence on the long list. He had not been conspicuous before the nation, and in other lands he had not been counted among the presidential possibilities.

As the election drew near public excitement increased. Class prejudices seized the time as their opportunity; charges of plots and counterplots were rife; there were fears of foreign entanglements; there was threat of civil war if this or that man were made head of the state. Far different was the republic of that day, immature and unstable, from that which Carnot left to weep at his loss and to move with assured strength in the choice of his successor. When, on the afternoon of December 2, 1887, the electors gathered in the vast hall of the palace at Versailles, Paris was in a ferment. General Saussier, the military governor of the city, had 50,000 troops under arms to suppress threatened disorder. M. Ferry, the foremost republican, had the ill-will of the populace, and of some partisan leaders in the assembly, who pointed out the fact that his department had not been entirely free from scandal 1egarding some officials. M. de Freycinet's ability was conceded, but he was charged with too diligent and open a canvass in his own interest. M. Clémenceau, a man of distin

guished force, was distrusted as an extreme socialistic radical; other leaders were under like distrust, while others still were known as royalist in their sympathies. Members in a legislative body are in a position to know one another's strong and weak points. They are constantly growing unconsciously into estimates of their fellows, which at last, in some crisis, leap suddenly into light and lead their action. In this eventful hour, or rather in the few hours of general conference immediately. preceding, Carnot seems to have drawn attention to hiniself as almost the only man perfectly cool amid an exclamatory and gesticulating throng of eminent Frenchmen who swarmed through the superb corridors and in the banqueting-hall of the hotel near the palace. He seemed interested chiefly in some remarkably fine grapes and Duchesse pears which were among the refreshments provided: these he was carefully selecting and eating with an honest relish. The man seemed without fears, or cares, or claims, or designs, as he passed in with the rest through the lofty palace doors; yet his name had been among those which some one had proposed as president of a mighty nation for a seven years' term. His name—it had become the synonym for honesty; he had never been known to act from motives of self-interest; he was a stout republican, but not radical; his principles had never changed in any storm; he was recognized as a man of clear, strong, and orderly intellect, and of calm and balanced judgment; he had asked no man's vote; he was seen as one lifted statuelike above all the temptations of avarice or ambition which so often beset public men-lifted on high in his impregnable sincerity. To this rock amid the waves, men began to turn with reliance. Moreover, it was now suddenly remembered that only a few days before, in the debate that preceded M. Grévy's downfall, M. Rouvier had referred to an ex-minister of finance who had stood immovable against some fraudulent attempts which had been urged upon him under an almost violent pressure as by the authority of the head of the state. It was remembered too that the immovable ex-minister was M. Sadi Carnot, and that when he was alluded to the chamber rang with applause. As the ballot began, men were saying or thinking-"Why not Carnot now?"

The scene had drawn an imposing array of spectators, including several foreign ambassadors, near to whom sat Mr. James G. Blaine. The first ballot showed no majority for any of the candidates, but M. Carnot had the largest

number of votes. M. Ferry with the second largest, and M. de Freycinet with the third, rose, and, withdrawing their names, declared in his favor. On the second ballot.

he was elected by a vote of 616 out of 842. The cheers that began in the chamber were soon echoed with applauding shouts in the crowded streets of Paris. M. Carnot, still unexcited, did not even notify his wife of the great event; and, had not some one else informed her, that estimable lady would have been affrighted an hour or two later to see her usually unostentatious husband riding up to the door of their simple home with a troop of cavalry as the presidential escort.

The administration that thus began fully justified the choice that had been made. It had all the solid virtues which, though they seldom excite enthusiasm, draw the deep respect of a nation and command confidence at home and abroad. It was a government notable for commonsense, patience, and unswerving fidelity. When nearly all public men in France were brought under suspicion in connection with the affairs of the Panama canal, persistent attempts to bring the president into complicity with the enormous and far-reaching fraud utterly failed. At the critical period of Carnot's election no other style of administration could have been so beneficial to France as that of this grave, thoughtful, clear-headed man, rigid in the maintenance of the constitution, a model of industry and skill in the dispatch of business, dignified yet kindly in his bearing. He was not fond of society; and, throughout his wedded life of more than thirty years, his time, except as required for professional or official duties, was spent largely in companionship with his wife. Yet, as a president, he was punctilious in meeting all the social demands of his position. Mme. Carnot's grace and charm aided him in giving his administration an unusual social popularity. The presidential salary, amounting in all to $240,000 a year, is said to have been found insufficient by M. Grévy, but was made to do good service for the state by M. Carnot. He made long days for work, rising early, and retiring usually after midnight. He held daily forenoon audiences with state officials, and receptions of about an hour's length in the afternoon for ambassadors, etc.; and in the evening after dinner he again took up his work at half past nine. He gave formal attendance at the exhibitions of agriculture, industry, commerce, and the fine arts; established the custom of official visits to the various provinces and large cities, making on such occasions great