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POLITICAL.

The greater our national distress and danger are, the greater should the efforts be of every particular man to relieve his country from one, and thereby to guard it against the other. We are in a crisis that must turn either to life or death, and that cannot turn to the former unless remedies are applied much more effectual than those of mountebanks, who find their account in palliating evils, and in prolonging diseases. To palliate and prolong would be, in one case, to kill, or to do something more than to kill, to break our constitution entirely, to render an accidental illness habitual and incurable. LORD BOLINGBROKE State of the Nation, 1749.

THE ELECTION.

UNDER this head we propose to class the various assertions of the Chronicle relative to the conduct of the federalists, and the disposition, character, and motives of Mr. Gore, according to the degree of moral depravity by which they may be most peculiarly distinguished., We can by such a plan, be able to appreciate with some little accuracy, the virtue, the wisdom and political integrity of the gladiators who fight in the amphitheatres of democracy.

LIES.

Those who wish for a dissolution of the union-those who are willing to set up a petty sovereignty, under the protection of Britain those who are willing to have American BLOOD shed by the bands of Americans, and those who are willing to be governed by a Mob, will vote for Mr. Gore.

Chronicle, March 20, 1809.

Let us be cautious of bringing forward a candidate for Governour, who has never since his arrival from England, shown any other disposition than to degrade our administration, and extol the British The same.

If we considered such gross lies, as these just quoted, to require a serious refutation, we should view the people of this state in so despicable a light in point of understanding, virtue and information, that we should be willing to renounce all attempts at conviction, and resign all expectation of producing in the publick mind any regard for political integrity, or any capacity for the reception of political truth. The first passage contains three most base and palpably false insinuations, which have no foundation in common sense, or common honesty ; they are lies, like the father that begets them, 'gross as a mountain, open, palpaple.'

Ist. That the Federalists of Massachusetts wish for a dissolution of the union of these states.

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2d. That they intend to render it a separate sovereignty, under the protection of Great-Britain.

3d. That in order to effect this object, they are willing to occasion a CIVIL WAR, and spill American blood by American hands. All we have to remark on these assertions is, that we defy the whole host of democ

racy to prove or establish by any thing like argument either of these infamous assertions; we should be happy to meet them on this ground, at any time: for we are willing to subscribe to the modest avowal of one of their youthful statesmen in a late town-meeting: "far be it from me,' said he, to shrink from any question, which involves the happiness or constitution of my country.'

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The second quotation contains an assertion not only in defiance of all reason and probability, but in direct contradiction to fact. Mr. Gore's well known and ably maintained opinions on the subject of the colonial trade, alone afford an answer to assertions of this nature. Mr. Madison included Mr. Gore's letter on that subject to Mr. Munroe to be used in the negociations with the British government, in opposition to their commercial claims. This will be seen in the letter of the secretary of state, to Mr. Munroe, dated April 12th, 1806, and Mr. Gore's letter referred to, will be found published along with the dispatches from the secretary, dated November 12, 1805. In this letter Mr. Gore expresses his sentiments at length upon that most interesting subject; and in a manner, it seems, that authorised Mr. Madison to make use of it in his own discussion with the British ministry. So much for the assertion, that the sole disposition of Mr. Gore has been to degrade our government and extol that of Great-Britain! We think even Touchstone, would consider this the lie direct, however minute he may have been in enumerating the degrees of the lie.

They (the legislature) call on the people to re-elect themselves with Mr. Gore,one of their number, for Governor,in order expressly to unite the whole government of the state in one joint effort, with other states, whose interest and objects are similar to our own,' in some great but undefined project, to relieve our citizens from their oppressive tyrannical and unconstitutional laws, from which they despair of obtaining relief from the general government. Thus expressly putting the election of Mr. Gore and themselves upon the very principle of a partial combination of states in opposition to the United States, to prevent the execution of their laws by means of state authorities. Chronicle, March 20.

The contradiction of all sense and meaning in this paragraph is very apparent. It is like all democratick argumentation, flimsy in itself; but the conclusion to which it leads a combination against the union, is absolute and unblushing falsehood. The writer declares that the project, as he is pleased to denominate it, of the legislature is great, but undefined. How then admit the assertion, that it is a partial combination of states in opposition to the United States? This is a conclusion not warranted even by the assumed fact, that the legislature had called upon the people to re-elect themselves as legislators, and Mr. Gore, as governour, for the purpose of affecting a project,' which is admitted by the writer to be undefined.' But is it indeed a vile project, to relieve our citizens from 'oppression and unconstitutional laws, when we despair of obtaining relief from the general government? Do the de

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mocrats consider it criminal to oppose tyrants, and resist oppression ;"or do they wish to support their congenial principles of enforcing 'unconstitutional' measures at the point of the bayonet? The answer to all this democratick trash, is this-that opposition to unconstitutional measures, measures which impair and have a tendency totally to subvert our natural and political rights, is LAWFUL. And though in ordi. nary cases the state governments would have no pretension to clash with the general system; yet to oppose tyranny, to resist oppression and unconstitutional laws, the Remonstrances' of the state governments are equally demanded by the distresses of the people, which follow such infractions of their liberties, and justified by the principles of reason, law and the constitution. The necessity therefore for the whole government of this state to unite in one joint effort, to obtain the repeal of unconstitutional laws is the more apparent, as the glorious opposition of the legislative bodies of Massachusetts to the arbitrary measures of the late administration has struck a blow at the democratick system of policy' which has shattered the very foundations of the fabrick.

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Is depriving the people of their rights in the choice of Electors so pleasing that we are willing to reward them (the federalists) with our renewed suffrages? Chronicle, March 20.

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In pursuing this assertion, it is gratifying to know that we have a Constitution to refer to, for the authority under which we have acted. We have no doubt the Chronicle writers wish that no Constitution existed; we have no doubt they would defend any violations of the provisions of that instrument relating to the choice of Electors, as readily and with as much prevarication, as they defended the tyranny of the last embargo act. An act which will stand forever ́as a land mark in the sea of democracy, 'conspicuous and unremoved ;' and with it will Mr. Jefferson's name be combined, and the infamy of his character will thereby be rendered immortal. The Chronicle writer talks about depriving the people of their rights in the choice of Electors,' as if he really believed the insinuation to be true. There are two different ways of repelling this intimation. Ist. If the rights of the people of Massachusetts have been injured by the Federalists, the rights of the people of a LARGE MAJORITY OF THE STATES have been destroyed by the Democrats. The democrats say, 'submit to the majority. A majority of the states in the union choose their electors by the vote of their legislatures. 2d. Another stumbling argument which satisfies us of the propriety of the conduct of the legislature of Massachusetts, is that it is expressly allowed by the CONSTITUTION. Now we do not advance this as an argument to convince the democrats; we know they have no respect for the provisions of that instrument. We know by their praise bestowed on Mr. Jefferson, that a violation of it

is considered the height of political virtue, in their minds; and we have no doubt they would gladly expunge every article, which restrains in the least degree, the excess of their partizan zeal and intolerance. But as the CONSTITUTION does happen yet to exist, we still deem it proper to appeal to it; however the democrats may deride it, and ridicule the virtue which professes to treat it with reverence. Let the people read the constitution, and ask how other states in the union have acted, and they will no longer be deceived by the charges of the Chron icle; equally destitute of the fairness of argument and stability of truth.

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*. Have not the majorities of the two houses of our state legislature gone further, both in principle and practice, than any other publick body in the United States ever before did, in organizing a resistance to the laws of general government? Chronicle, March 20.

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To this insidious question, we have a ready reply. Congress' have gone further than any publick body in the United States ever before did, both in principle and practice,' to violate the rights, and the liberties of the people, by laws To the eternal honour of the majorities of the two houses of our state legislature,' they first unfurled the banner of legal opposition to these encroachments on our rights. The last attempt of the democrats to establish a system of tyranny and oppression, though it succeeded for a few months was frustrated by the determined virtue and integrity of the opposition which influenced our legislative bodies. As the fatal attempt upon our liberties stands recorded as a precedent, upon the annals of this country for ever, we do hope the ability, which displayed the transac tion in all its native deformity, may descend to the historian in characters equally impressive and indelible; to convince him that though there was a vindictive spirit of intolerance in the nation which attempted to enslave it, there was also a spirit of patriotism in the nation, which resolved it should be free.

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Is it for the interest of the citizens at large to have a body of federalists spending the publick money in debates, calculated for no other purpose than to abuse the president, dissolve the union, and make this state the ridicule of our enemies both at home and abroad? GOE Chronicle, March 20.

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Here is a logical system of argument indeed. The federalists have said, 'the laws laying an embargo to which there are no limits, and which violate our natural rights as citizens, are not legally binding upon the people. This is too true, say the democrats; therefore, in order to answer our purpose, we will only say, that such remarks are for no other purpose than to dissolve the union; this will frighten the federalists out of their rights, and we shall riot in the spoils of oppression.

The president knew the last embargo law to be unconstitutional, and therefore, in signing it, he acted treacherously, and as a decided ene

my to his country. This is all true, say the democrats, how then thall we repel the assertion? Why, talk a deal about the dignity of author. ity. We abused Washington and Adams, when in office and power; we called them traitors and incendiaries. But the case is now altered ; Mr. Jefferson is in power, and we are of his side, therefore he is infal liable; therefore the president must not be abused. We must talk much of submitting to the will of the majority; but if we are required to carry this principle to the state as well as national governments, we will change our tune; we will then say, the federalists are tories, villains, traitors, though they do compose a majority in Massachusetts, yet submission to such a majority would be submission to old tories, and would render this state the ridicule of our enemies both at home and abroad." So much for democratick logick and argumentation.

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- Amongst all the clamours of opposition, with which poor Mr. Gore has been assailed by the democrats, we hear no whispers of the sublime talents, virtue and religion' of our present chief magistrate. Amiable man! it is reserved for his political enemies to portray the features of his genius; his crimes speak for themselves, and it remains to be known whether they are not sufficiently obnoxious to the laws, to render the perpetrator a fit subject for the publick justice of his country. All people acknowledge him Governour, yet none feel hurt by his superiority;' he is in of fice, envy is not only silent, but gratified at the contemplation; he is a statesman, and confusion is worse coufounded' by his reasonings. The attractions of the Lieutenant Governour are so peculiar, that we do not wonder at the admiration he excites among the democrats. None of his writings discover correctness, none of his remarks genius, nor any of his views utility; he is puerile, common place and visionary. With these qualities, we think he will unite the democrats at the approacing election, in one shout of general approbation. The following sketch of one of his honour's official specimens of extensive ability, is extracted for the consideration of his supporters in this state.

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In the National Intelligencer, of the 19th September, 1804, the following compliment, is paid to Mr. Lincoln, by a writer under the signanature of Curtius, The short period during which he held his seat [in Congress] had not admitted of a developement of his talents, but he entered the body with the reputation of eminent talents." We should be glad to know with what reputation he left it? The truth is, that he entered the body with the reputation of being one of the writers in a Worcester paper, called the #gis, and was supposed to be one of the authors of a series of essays, (if a mass of slander, personal, vindictive and unjust, deserves the name) called the Farmer's Letters ;' this

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