impossible to believe that if Charles had never seen it before he would not have taken the trouble to make himself master of its contents. The initiation of the plan may, in all probability, be traced to Digby, the most indiscreet of Charles's partisans. On the afternoon of the 28th he had been baffled in his attempt to obtain the assent of the Lords to a declaration that Parliament was no longer free. What can be more probable than that he was the suggester of a scheme by which that vote might be treated as null and void? Effect of the protest on the Lords. Whatever doubt may be entertained as to the authorship of the protest, there can be none as to its effect. At a time when the monarchy had no better friends in England than the Peers, it administered to them a severe rebuke by inviting the King to order them to register an assertion that Parliament was not free, in the teeth of their vote of the previous day. Even the proved fidelity of the Lords gave way before such an insult as this. They at once communicated the protest to the Commons as 'containing high and dangerous consequence,' and extending to side with the the deep intrenching upon the fundamental privileges The Lords Commons. and being of Parliament.1 Once more the two Pym moves trained bands should Houses were of one mind. Charles had in a moment done all for which during many weary weeks Pym had been struggling in vain. No wonder that, when the news reached the Commons, not a few of the members were overjoyed, 'at this 2 indiscreet and unadvised act of the bishops." At that the City Pym's motion the doors were closed. He, at least, did not believe that the authors of the protest intended be sent for. to confine themselves to words. There was, he said, a design to be executed upon the House of Commons that very day, and it was therefore desirable to ask the City to send their trained bands to guard the imperilled Parliament.3 There can be little doubt that Pym spoke on trustworthy information. It is inconceivable that so much trouble should have been taken to obtain an excuse for treating the Parliament as no longer free unless there had been 2 D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 294 b. Impending danger. 1 L. J. iv. 496. Ibid. fol. 295. an intention of proceeding against the leaders of the Commons as enslavers of the commonwealth. Nor was it merely the present position of the Commons that was at stake. If all that had been done in the Lords since December 27 was to be annulled on account of the pressure of the mob, all that had been done since the meeting of Parliament might be annulled on account of the pressure of the Scottish army. It would doubtless be unjust to the King to imagine that he seriously. contemplated the reconstitution of the Star Chamber and the High Commission, especially as he did not need them for the purpose which he had now on hand; but there were certainly some amongst his followers who would have been glad to have treated the whole work of the Long Parliament as illegal. In a paper of jocular queries circulated in the City in the preceding summer, it was asked, 'whether statutes enforced upon the King with the awe of an army will be of any force hereafter,' and there can be little doubt that many of the gentlemen now guarding Whitehall would be ready to answer the question in the negative. Those officers were growing formidable. "I never," wrote an observer of passing events, "saw the Court so full of gentlemen; every one comes thither with their swords. This day 500 gentlemen of the Inns of Court came to offer their services to the King. The officers of the army since these tumults have watched and kept a Court of Guard in the Presence Chamber, and are entertained upon the King's charge; a company of soldiers put into the Abbey for the defence of it. The citizens, for the most part, shut up their shops, and all gentlemen provide themselves with arms as in time of open hostility. Both factions look very big, and it is a wonder there is no more blood yet spilt, seeing how earnest both sides are. There is no doubt but if the King do not comply feared. with the Commons in all things they desire a civil war must ensue, which every day we see approaches nearer.' Civil war "2 As usually happens before the outbreak of war, the deeper causes which made it possible were almost forgotten in the immediate dangers of the situation. On one side was the alarm 1 Queries, Aug., S. P. Dom. 2 Slingsby to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. caused by the mob, on the other side was the alarm caused by the armed retinue of the King. Nor was it unlikely that the officers at Whitehall would soon have troops at their disposal. That very day drums were beating in the streets for the levy of the volunteers who were to form the army which was to be commanded by Lunsford and his comrades.' Yet, in spite of all this, Pym found it hard to move the Commons to a full sense of the danger in which they were. They refused to assent to his motion for summoning the trained bands from the City, contenting themselves with again appealing to the Lords to join them in asking for a guard. In other respects the House was ready to answer to the signal given them by the Peers. At Pym's motion, the bishops who bishops. had signed the protest were impeached as guilty of Impeachment of the high treason by endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of the kingdom, and the very being of Parliament. One member indeed said that 'he did not believe they were guilty of treason, but that they were stark mad; and therefore desired that they might be sent to Bedlam.'2 No other voice was raised in their favour. The impeachment was at once accepted by the Lords. Before night ten of the twelve found themselves in the Tower. The other two were sent to the House of the Usher prisonment. of the Black Rod, on the ground of their age and infirm.ty. Their im The wits made merry over Williams's mischance. One caricature represented him as a decoy duck leading his brethren into captivity. Another depicted him as clad in military guise, with a musket in his hand, and a bandoleer slung over his episcopal robes. Laud, it is said, was much amused at this last stroke of wit at his rival's expense.3 The fact is mentioned in Salvetti's News-Letter of Dec. 31 but as the arrest of the bishops is spoken of as having taken place—'questa sera it is evident that the passage was written on the 30th. A Committee of the Commons was named on the 31st to inquire into the matter.--C. J. ii. 365. 2 C. 7. ii. 363. Clarendon, iv. 145. Heylyn's Cypr. Angl. 492. High Treason was a large word to apply to that which the bishops had done, most of them in mere inadvertence. There can, however, be no doubt that they had allowed themselves to become the tools of men more unscrupulous than themselves. Their protest was the first step in a course by which Charles was to make himself again master of the State under legal forms. Their impeachment was the first step in a course by which the leaders of the Commons were to make themselves masters The two rival authorities had of the State under legal forms. been playing a game for the good will of the House of Lords, and Charles, with victory in his hands, had thrown his chance away. Intention of No doubt Pyin never thought of sending the bishops to the scaffold. It was enough for him if he could get rid of their adverse votes. From that time no more than four Pym. bishops took their seats in the House. Yet, even then the peers persisted in their efforts at mediation. They still refused to ask that Essex might command the Perir media. guard which all acknowledged to be necessary, on the ground that the King ought not to be pressed to name a particular person.2 The Peers persist in tion. The Com mons pro tect the mselves. Dec. 31. The moderation of the peers was lost on Charles. He took no steps to restore confidence. The Commons gave orders, as they had formerly done, to some of their own members who happened to be justices of the peace, to see to the security of their House. The next day they conveyed to the King an independent request for the appointment of the Earl of Essex, and directed halberts to be brought into the House for their own use in case of a sudden attack. At the same time they adjourned till January 3, ordering that a Committee of the whole House should meet at Guildhall. The House could not adjourn itself to any place but Westminster. A committee, it was now held, could meet anywhere. Both parties were of one mind in wishing to conciliate the 1 On Jan. 3 and 4 there were only four bishops present. -House of Lords' Minute Book. 2 Ibid. City. On the same day as that on which the Committee was appointed, a request was addressed by the King to the Common Council, that they would lend their trained bands to preserve order, and the Common Council had answered in the affirmative.1 The City ready to preserve order. 1642. Jan. 1. The King sends for Pym. 2 Yet, in spite of this, the King's situation was sufficiently gloomy. It was probably on the following day, the first of the New Year, that he took the unexpected step of sending for Pym, and offering him the Chancellorship of the Exchequer. Whether Pym refused to come, or Charles repented his hasty decision, cannot now be known. Two hours later he had fixed on Culpepper for the post, with Falkland as his colleague in the chequer and vacant secretaryship. At the Sunday sitting of the Secretary. 2nd, they were both sworn as Privy Councillors, though they did not officially take up their appointments till a few days later. Jan. 2. Culpepper Chancellor of the Ex Falkland In themselves, neither Culpepper nor Falkland was likely to render much assistance to Charles. Culpepper was a ready debater, and nothing more; whilst Falkland's sensitive mind was more anxious to avoid the responsibility of doing anything that he could not justify to himself, than to strike out the path of safety for others amongst the dangers which showed themselves on every side. The real leader of the party in the Commons was Hyde, as Bristol was its leader in the Lords, though Hyde preferred to remain an unofficial adviser. What conduct Hyde would have 1 C. F. ii. 364, 365. An Exact Collection, 30. Rushworth, iv. 472. 2 “The King is too flexible and too good-natured; for within two hours, and a great deal less, before he made Culpepper Chancellor of the Exchequer, he had sent a messenger to bring Pym unto him, and would have given him that place."—Dering to Lady Dering, Jan. 13. Larking's Proceedings in Kent, 66. As Mr. Forster shows, Culpepper was announced to the Council as Chancellor of the Exchequer on Sunday, the 2nd, Council was usually held after the morning service, and it is more likely that the message to Pym would have been sent on Saturday than when the King was just going to the chapel. Besides, Culpepper may very well have been informed of his appointment on the 1st. The |