nomenon of an union among the FrenchCanadians, from 1848 to 1851, which would have been perfect if Mr. Papineau's temperament would have allowed him to follow any leader, was due to their exclusion from office under the previous administration. If the proposals made in the Caron correspondence of 1846 had been carried out, and a representative Canadian element been introduced into the Draper Cabinet, the French Canadians would never have been an united body. Neither the circumstance of their exclusion nor its result can ever be reproduced.

If the selection of judges for the new Court of Appeal, created last Session of the Ontario Legislature, is not specially open to criticism, it is at least very different from what was generally expected. The prevailing opinion, arising out of an idea of the fitness of things, was that the Chief Justices of the Courts of Queen's Bench and Common Pleas, and the Chancellor, with the Chief Justice of the old Court of Appeal, would form the new Court. It was thought that the Judges, whose chief business it will be to review the judgments of the other courts, should be men of great experience, who have long occupied leading positions in the other courts; and that it was due to the distinguished functionaries named that they should have the refusal of these offices. What has happened is, that Chief Justice Draper has been retained; that Mr. Strong has been translated from the ViceChancellorship to the new Court, and that the Court has been completed by the appointment of two barristers, Mr. Christopher Patterson and Mr. Burton. Against these appointments there is nothing to be said, except that two of the judges, who are entirely without judicial training, will have to pass in review the judgments of men who have been some twenty years on the Bench. They may not fail in the duties required of them, but they can hardly be as well prepared for the discharge of their duties as

they would have been if the exercise of the judicial function were not new to them. A question of salary may have had something to do with the Chief Justices being passed over. The pay of the judges in the new court will be less than in the old courts; and it is believed the Chief Justices would have been reluctant to submit to a diminution of their remuneration, and a postponement of the time when they would be entitled to the same amount of retiring allowance that they could now claim. Last Session of Parliament it was understood there would be a question of removing this inequality, but the jealousy of the smaller Provinces, which refused to take any note of differences in the amount of work or the cost of living in different parts of the country, blocked the way. If this be the real cause-if the Government found itself unable to make the remuneration of the Appellate judges equal to that of the judges in the other courts-the country has been deprived of the services, in this capacity, of men whose experience points them out as presumably the fittest, because the Legislature grudged granting adequate remuneration. A judiciary of whom this could be said would already be in a state of decline. But the Court of Appeal, as actually constituted, may prove equal to the duties required of it. Chief Justice Draper and Mr. Strong, senior justice, will satisfactorily discharge any duties that may fall to them; and the two new good appointments have fallen to lawyers likely to develop into unexceptionable judges. It would have been desirable, however, that they should have passed to the Appellate jurisdiction through a probationary term of service in the older courts.

Farmers' Unions, under the name of Granges, of which so much has been heard in the Western States, have obtained a footing on Canadian soil. A circular informs us that delegates from different Canadian granges met at London on the 2nd June, appointed officers, and issued a "declaration of principles." The officers, male

imitation of what has been done in a neighbouring country is more apparent than any ground of necessity for the movement in the circumstances under which it is set on foot. |

Except during the heat of passion in which the Reciprocity Treaty of 1853 was abrogated, perhaps there never was a time when Canada could not have obtained a new treaty, if she would have consented to pay the price demanded: the introduction into the schedule of a long list of manufactures, which the Americans feel certain they could supply our market with. The former treaty was condemned, ostensibly, because it was confined to raw produce: it was on that account unreasonably denounced as one-sided; and whenever the question of Reciprocity has since come up, the Americans have always stated their readiness to enter into a new treaty, provided Canada would consent to admit their manufactures free of duty. The argument, intended to prove the partial character of the Treaty of 1853, was put in a shape which Canadians were asked to accept as a demonstration. Under that treaty, the Americans imported more from us than we took from them. This argument assumes that the importation of Canadian produce into the States was in some way disadvantageous to that country. But was this so? To a great extent the trade was one of convenience each country imported at one point on the frontier the same description of articles that it exported at another. In this way local convenience was consulted, local wants were supplied. This convenience was the measure of the benefit of the treaty, and the benefit was mutual.

But the powerful rings of American manufacturers who had obtained the control of their own market by duties largely prohibitory, cast a longing eye on the Canadian market. Free access to that market would stand in lieu of impossible annexation. From them first came the objection that the former treaty was one-sided; they afterwards used

their influence to prevent the negotiation of any new treaty from which their wares were excluded. They were not willing to enter the Canadian market on the same terms that the English manufacturer is obliged to enter it: they demanded for the textile fabrics of Lowell and the finished products of the Pennsylvania iron mines an advantage over Birmingham and Manchester: a discrimination in favour of the foreign over English manufactures. In every period of recurring commercial depression, they sent goods to the Canadian market, to be sold at prices which would barely reimburse their expenditure on them, sometimes at a positive loss. They were obliged to realize to maintain their credit; and they selected a neigbouring foreign market, because it would be ruinous to them to reduce the price in their own country. Under these circumstances they chafed over the barrier of duties, feeble as it was, which met them at the frontier. If they could get free access to this market, they would change in a day from implacable enemies to warm friends of Reciprocity.

If Canada gets a treaty now it will be because she is willing to pay the price for it which she never would pay before ; because she is willing to permit a large class of American manufacturers free access to this market. There are three things that require to be well considered before this point is settled: How England will like to see Canada discriminate against her manufactures ; what the probable effect on Canadian manufactures will be; how the inevitable deficit in the revenue which will result is to be made good. The negotiations are conducted in the name of England; and Imperial interests must be left to the care of Imperial functionaries. Any treaty that may be agreed upon will necessarily receive the sanction of the Imperial Government before it goes into operation. Mr. Disraeli must be left to answer the complaints of British manufacturers, if any be made. To Canadian manufacturers the Ottawa

Government must account. They are in no mood to welcome a treaty by which American manufactures will be admitted free of duty. Last session they appeared in force at Ottawa to demand an increase of the tariff, in which they had only a moderate degree of success. But, for the two and a half per cent. additional duty they must have felt inwardly thankful, though they treated it as too little to justify the audible expression of gratitude. From what they said on the introduction of the original draft of the new tariff, it will be possible to form some idea of the tone they will take if they find American manufactures being admitted free of duty. Some of these gentlemen may possibly find themselves caught in their own net. They have asked to be put on an equality with the Americans, and have volunteered the statement that, with a more extended market, they could manufacture cheaper if they find the American market open to them, on the same terms that Americans can enter our market, where will be their right to complain? Manufactures that have already taken root ought to be able to bear this competition; for the cost of producing many articles must be less in Canada than in the States, where the entire scale of prices is higher. The deficit which must result from freeing a large list of American manufactures Mr. Cartwright may have the pleasure of dealing with. But he will be able to meet it in a prospective form; for the treaty could not go into effect till the commencement of the financial year 1875. It would be sheer waste of time to attempt to anticipate how he would perform that task.

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authorize a stipulation to be made in its name that the depth should be more than twelve feet. Of course, the Imperial Government, in whose name treaties are made, cannot undertake to stipulate that the Canadian canals shall be increased to any specific dimensions; all it can undertake to do is to recommend Canada to do the work in a particular way, and perhaps within a given time. A stipulation that Canada should build the Caughnawaga canal, for the use and benefit of Americans, would in itself be highly objectionable. It will be a canal for taking the trade from Canada. Its justification must be sought in the equivalents we are to get for the sacrifices we are called upon to make. To enable any one to judge of their relative value, it would be necessary that he should have the whole treaty before him; for it is only as a whole that its merits and demerits can be fairly balanced, and a definite judgment pronounced. Canada, it is certain, will be required to make many sacrifices; the first of which-the amount she would be entitled to receive under the Treaty of Washington for admitting Americans to her in-shore fisheries-will be measurable by a money standard. There has been no arbitration, as it was intended there should be, to determine the amount; but to arrive at some approximate figure would seem to be a preliminary step essential to anything like definiteness in the negotiations for a Reciprocity Treaty. The sacrifices which are demanded from us would require some very substantial equivalents, and these would not be complete without the reciprocal admission of the vessels of each country to register in the other, and the mutual throwing open of the coasting trade of the lakes. Without these concessions Canada would get nothing that could be called equivalents for the sacrifices she would be required to make; and if the Americans be not prepared to concede these points, the negotiations would not be worth the trouble they have cost.

The increase of the capacity of our canals forms one of the stipulations of the draft of the proposed treaty submitted by the British plenipotentiaries. The extent to which the St. Lawrence canals are capable of being deepened is not a settled point. Not even the most competent engineers are certain that a depth of fourteen feet is attainable; and we presume that no government would

There are some matters of minor importance, in which Canadian interests would require to be guarded. The proposed draft of treaty, as sent to the Senate by President Grant is represented as having come from the British plenipotentiaries. The President confines himself to recommending this document to the favourable consideration of the Senate, but even this advice has not been acted upon, and the question is postponed till the December Session. In the meantime, the cities will have ample opportunity to exercise their vocation, and it is quite impossible to foresee what course the Senate may take seven months hence.

England is semi-officially represented as having been passive throughout the entire negotiations. The whole responsibility of the proposed Treaty is assumed by the Canadian Government, and the negotiator whom it nominated, and the Imperial Government appointed. It is something to know that, despite the circumlocution to which it was necessary to resort, the fullest assumption of responsibility may be expected from the Ottawa Government. That will be a satisfactory element in the discussion of the projected Treaty, when its merits and demerits come under review.

involved.

Parliament had been asked to intervene; and this last resource is confess edly not abandoned, but only postponed till the Privy Council shall have pronounced on the constitutionality of the Common School Law. The money necessary to prosecute this appeal was provided by Parliament, and is expended under the direction of the bishop. That the decision will be otherwise than adverse, the Roman Catholics do not appear to hope; and in that case Mr. Costigan, the mouthpiece in the House of Commons of the Bishop and Roman Catholic clergy of New Brunswick, will again invoke the interference of Parliament. He will do so, if the threat be carried out, with the opinion of the English Law officers of the Crown before him, that Parliament has no right to interfere; backed as it must then be by the judicial decision of the Privy Council. All this was known to the electors of New Brunswick, whose decision at the polls is in full accord with the Wedderburn resolutions, passed last Session of the Local Legisture, in which the interference of the Parliament of Canada or that of the Empire, unless on the requisition or consent of New Brunswick, was deprecated.

The New Brunswick elections, as was foreseen, have gone largely in favour of the Government. There was but one question on which the ear of the electors could be got; and the decision has been an emphatic negative of the demand made by the Roman Catholics for Separate Schools. The issue involved much more than the simple question whether Separate Schools should be granted or refused. The partisans of Separate Schools had so mismanaged their case that the party of resistance found itself called upon to defend the constitutional rights of the Province. Repeated attempts had been made to take the question out of the jurisdiction of the Provincial Legislature. The veto of the Governor-General had been

If a different policy had ruled the action of the Separate School advocates-if they had been content to leave the question to the operation of public opinion in the Province-the defeat they have encountered would not have been half so decisive as it has proved. It is quite conceivable that many who would be comparatively indifferent whether Separate Schools were conceded or not, would feel themselves bound to defend, to the last extremity, the menaced constitutional rights of the Province. The contest has been waged in a way that has unnecessarily created feelings of bitterness between classes of the population, which half the life-time of a generation will be required to remove. The Catholics have thrown away whatever chances of success they may have had; chances that were not very promising