cupiebat. Posse arbitror: valet ingenio; habet usum: iam pridem in eo genere studi litterarumque versatur: satis facere immortalitati laudum tuarum mirabiliter cupit. Habes opinionis meae testimonium, sed tu hoc facilius multo pro tua singulari prudentia iudicabis. Et tamen, quod negaveram, commendo tibi eum. Quidquid ei commodaveris, erit id mihi maiorem in modum gratum.

cupiebat] epistolary imperf. with nune as often, e.g. Att. xvi. 3. 6 (773), Brutus erat in Neside etiam nunc.

studi litterarumque] literary studies.' satis facere] to do justice to the undying fame of your exploits.'

Et tamen... eum] and yet, what I said I would not do (§ 3), I am recommending him to you.' For a similar declaration cp. 513. 2, Sed tamen

utrumque eorum quae negavi mihi facienda esse faciam.

ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY.

1.-CICERO'S COMMAND IN CAMPANIA.

WHEN, on the 7th of January, the Senate passed the Senatus consultum ultimum, they at once proceeded to make arrangements for resistance in case Caesar should not yield to their demands. As Cicero was one of the oldest consulars and an important man who had just returned from a provincial governorship where he had seen some military service, it was natural that he should have the supervision of one of the districts in Italy, and he chose Capua (301. 3, nos Capuam sumpsimus). We consider that by Capua in this case was meant the district called Campania in ordinary parlance (ep. Mommsen in C. I. L. x. 498) and the coast-line up to Formiae, and perhaps even up to Tarracina at the foot of the Pomptine Marshes; and that by whatever name Cicero designates his district, it was always of the same extent, whether he calls it Capua (301. 3; 334. 4; 343. 5; 345. 2), haec Campania et [qu. Campaniae, which is to be regarded as a gloss, see note] maritima ora (304. 5), ora maritima (310. 3), ora maritima a Formiis (312. 5), or Tarracina et ora maritima (327. 1).

On January 14th the news of the capture of Ariminum reached Rome. The people were panic-stricken. On the 17th, when news of the fall of the coast-towns and Arretium reached Rome, Pompey decided to leave the city. Before he did so he appears to have had a conversation with Cicero, in which Cicero, perhaps somewhat frightened at the serious nature of the crisis, expressed a wish to remain with Pompey,1 and not to have the responsibility of administering a district when the administration would involve recruiting and preparations for war.2 Pompey seems to have overruled his misgivings, and to have told him that he need not take any exceptionally active part in the recruiting or in any other military duty, but need exercise only a general supervision of the district, and be an ultimate authority in case of any difficulty arising and to this Cicero, with some reluctance (cp. 333. 4, where, however, the reading is uncertain; and 345. 2, quoted in note 2, accipere nolui), appears to have consented. On January 19th he wrote, probably from Tarracina (304. 5), Ego negotio

1327. 3 (February 15th), sin omnia in unum locum contrahenda sunt, non dubito quin ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius est, idque tecum quo die ab urbe discessimus locutus sum: cp. 343. 5, maxime vellem primum semper tecum fuissem.

It is probably to this conversation that

Cicero was alluding when, in a letter to Atticus of February 28th (345. 2), he said neque tum peccavi cum imperatam Capuam, non solum ignaviae delictum (cp. 327. 2, si cui adhuc videor segnior fuisse) sei etiam perfidiae suspicionem fugiens, accipere nolui.

praesum non turbulento. Vult enim me Pompeius esse quem tota haec Campania et maritima ora habeat èñíσкожov, ad quem dilectus et summa negoti deferatur. Itaque vagus esse cogitabam). Some time between January 17th and 25th Pompey seems to have sent a message to Cicero asking him to go to Capua and assist in expediting the levy, to which no very hearty response was being made by the settlers in Campania (310. 2: cp. 321. 3; 333.4); and Cicero started on the 25th for Capua, reaching that town on the 26th, where he found T. Ampius Balbus and Libo, two energetic men, prosecuting the business of recruiting with great assiduity (327. 2), though the results appear to have been small. He saw that he could not do anything more in this respect than was being done; so, after he had attended a meeting of the consuls and senators (Pompey himself had already departed for Larinum, 327. 2), who discussed the conditions which were brought from Caesar by young Lucius Caesar and Roscius Fabatus, he returned to Formiae, which he reached on January 29th.

One would have expected that instead of doing so he would have remained at Capua, the head-quarters of his district, where the levy was being prosecuted, even though competent officers were engaged in conducting it. But during the previous week it would seem that Cicero began to cherish the hope that he might play an important part as a negotiator of peace, and was accordingly averse from taking any very marked or overt action in Pompey's interest. Thus, writing to Tiro on January 27th, he said (312. 5), Ego adhuc orae maritimae praesum a Formiis. Nullum maius negotium suscipere volui quo plus apud illum (Caesar) meae litterae cohortationesque ad pacem valerent; and a few days later, writing to Trebatius, who, at Caesar's request, had written to him asking him to return to Rome, he said (315. 4) that it was difficult to do so just then; but that he was in one of his country houses (his Formianum), and was taking no part in the levy or in any active operations (neque delectum ulium neque negotium suscepisse). In telling Atticus of this letter he said he would continue to act in this way as long as there was any hope of peace, but that if there was war he would act as his duty and high position demanded, that is, take Pompey's part energetically (315. 4): cp. 343 fin.

As February went on Cicero perceived that Pompey's cause was going from bad to worse, and specially that the levy in Campania, notwithstanding the exertions of Ampius Balbus and Libo, was almost a failure (321. 3, written on February 10th, tota Capua et omnis hic delectus iacet); so that, in addition to his desire to keep from acting vigorously against Caesar, he now became anxious definitely to resign his district. Accordingly he wrote Pompey a letter (Ep. 327) on February 15th, when things looked a little brighter than they had been, saying that he was ready to start away by sea at a moment's notice if compelled to do so, but that he was still remaining at his post, though there were no proper forces at his disposal (§ 1). He also complained that he was ignorant of Pompey's plans, and that if Pompey thought his (Cicero's) maritime district worth maintaining—and he (Cicero) thought it was an important one, favourably situated for the corn-supply and with many loyal inhabitants—it was necessary to send some one to command it (opus est esse qui praesit). Of course there was a person in command of it, to wit Cicero himself; but Cicero meant that he desired to hold it no longer, and that some competent military officer should be sent to take his place. It was, in fact, a resignation of his office, and Cicero is conscious

1 Writing to Atticus on February 18th, Cicero in a pessimistic mood dwells on the disloyal element in his district, and the luke-warmness of the constitutionalists there (333. 4).

2 In a letter to Pompey written on February 27th, twelve days later, he refers (we think) to this resignation when he says, 343. 5, maxime vellem primum semper tecum fuissem quod quidem tibi ostenderam

4

that critics may censure him for remissness in his administration (si cui adhuc videor segnior fuisse, 327. 4). In letters to Atticus written on February 16th (328. 2) and February 18th (333. 4) he would seem to imply that he had written more definitely to Pompey. He said that he declared that he would now undertake no duty unless he got adequate forces and money: and accordingly he had been taking no active part in the military proceedings because he saw that Pompey was bent on flight. On February 27th he wrote a long and elaborately composed letter to Pompey (Ep. 343) accounting for his failure to get across Italy to join him, and remonstrating with him for not having informed him of the plans he proposed to adopt in the campaign;3 but in more than one point, as Mr. Duff has shown, Cicero has misstated facts (see notes to § 3 and § 5 of that letter). He said in that letter that he had resigned his post at Capua (§ 5, cum a me Capuam reiciebam), and that he was desirous to be with Pompey (§ 6, tecum esse cupiebam), that he advocated peace even on unfair terms rather than that recourse should be had to arms (§ 6, de pace vel iniqua condicione retinenda : cp. 310. 3; § 7, prae me tuli me nihil malle quam pacem); and that while there was hope of peace-and Pompey will remember that he himself had replied to overtures for peace from Caesar in a complimentary and liberal manner (honorifice et large)— he did not take any active part in affairs, and adopted this course advisedly: for it seemed probable that an arrangement might be secured and a most disastrous civil war avoided; and he (Cicero) had learned by experience how hostile the democracy was to him, and how dangerous it was for him to incur Caesar's enmity (§ 7: cp. 326. 2). But as all hope of peace was now gone, he would act with such courage as a good citizen and a friend of Pompey should display (§ 8).

II. THE NEGOTIATIONS OF LUCIUS CAESAR.

WE read in Caesar (B. C. i. 3. 6) that one of the censors, L. Piso, and one of the praetors, L. Roscius Fabatus, undertook to proceed to Caesar and acquaint him with the demands of the Senate; and they said that they would go and return in six days. But Piso took no part in the negotiations with Caesar at this time. The companion of Roscius was a young relative of Caesar's own, Lucius Caesar, and, probably, as he was a relative of Caesar's own, the negotiations are principally connected with his name.5

cum a me Capuam reiciebam: quod feci non vitandi oneris causa sed quod videbam teneri illam urbem sine exercitu non posse, accidere autem mihi nolebam quod doleo viris fortissimis accidisse (i.e. to Domitius and those at Corfinium). Mr. Duff (Journal of Philology xxxiii (1914), p. 160) considers that Cicero is here alluding to the conversation which Cicero had with Pompey on January 17th, and that the last words mean when I wished to resign charge of Capua'; and that six months later when all was lost for Pompey, Cicero found it possible to believe that the difficulties he had raised on accepting the commission amounted to a definite resignation of it.

VOL. IV.

1 Unless we are to suppose that a letter to Pompey has been lost, which is unlikely.

2 In his letter of February 27th (343. 5) he did put forward this point.

3 This neglect of Pompey rankled in Cicero's mind: cp. 319. 3; 339. 1.

In 5 he says he had no idea that Pompey would ever leave Italy. For other places than those mentioned in note to 343. 5 in which Cicero was quite alive to the possibility of Pompey's leaving Italy, see 318. 2; 319. 2 fin.; 328. 2; 338. 1, 2.

5 In Cicero, Lucius Caesar is mentioned without Roscius several times: 308. 2; 310. 1; 313. 1, 2; 315. 2; 316. 2; 20

Holzapfel (Beiträge zur alten Geschichte, or, as that journal is now commonly called for brevity, Klio, iii. 213 ff) holds that Lucius Caesar and Roscius went three times to Caesar in January. The three occasions are these:-(1) Leaving Rome about the 8th or 9th, they reached Ariminum on the 11th or 12th, and were back again in Rome on the 14th. (2) Leaving Rome on the 15th, they were at Ariminum on the 18th, and were back at Rome about the 21st, and arrived at Teanum Sidicinum on the 23rd. (3) They returned to Caesar after the meeting of the Senators at Capua on the 25th. By the 29th they presented the formal demands of the Senate to Caesar at Ancona or Auximum. If we suppose this, it would have been just possible for Cicero on Febr. 3rd to learn of the failure of the negotiations. This, no doubt, required very strenuous travelling on the part of the negotiators, but the times were urgent. Though it is also possible that Curio (317. 1), who was the original authority that the nego. tiations were (or would certainly be) unsuccessful, may have surmised what the answer of the Senate would be before the actual despatch arrived: for there had been two or three days' discussion of them by the Senators in Campania, and some of Curio's friends may have given him a trustworthy forecast of what the demands of the Senate were sure to be. The ordinary view recognizes Holzapfel's second and third journeys to Caesar, but not his first.

The main support of Holzapfel's theory is Dio Cassius xli. 5.

"Accordingly [as a result of the defection of Labienus: cp. c. 4], Pompey, in consequence of what Labienus told him about Caesar, and because he himself had not as yet adequate forces at his disposal, and saw that the people in the city, and especially the party-men (Toùs σTaσiwтas), were fearful of war, owing to their remembrance of what Marius and Sulla had done, and desirous of being safely rid of it, he altered his view, and sent envoys to Caesar, Lucius Caesar, a relative of his, and L. Roscius, a praetor, who volunteered for the service. His aim was to see if he could escape the attack of Caesar, and come to an agreement with him on moderate terms. When Caesar made the same reply as he had made in his letter to the Senate, and stated that he wished for a conference with Pompey, the greater number of the Senators [of woλAoi ; which might also mean 'the multitude '] heard this with displeasure, for fear that Pompey and Caesar would form a coalition against them. When, however, the envoys said much in praise of Caesar, and finally promised further (πpoσvTIGXVOUVTO) that no one would suffer any ill at his hands, and that the armies would at once be disbanded, they were delighted, and sent again the same envoys to Caesar, and urged with constant shouts everywhere that both Caesar and Pompey should lay down their arms. Pompey, in fear of this, left for Campania."

These statements of Dio Cassius point to two missions to Caesar prior to Pompey's abandonment of Rome: but they are not reconcilable with the actual dates which are established from Cicero. The first mission is regarded as having been sent in

317. 1. In only one passage is Roscius mentioned, 345. 2. In Caesar, too (B. C. i. 8. 4), Roscius appears as the person of secondary importance. Nissen (p. 94) considers that Roscius, as praetor, was the official envoy of the Senate, and that

L. Caesar was a confidential envoy of Pompey; and that Caesar in his narrative put Roscius in the background in order to conceal his own plain mutiny against the Government.