of a common programme for the negotiations in China, which may be summed up as follows: The punishment of the principal culprits, who were to be indicated by the representatives of the Powers at Peking; the maintenance of the prohibition of arms; equitable indemnities to states, societies, and individuals; the formation of a permanent guard for the Peking legations; the dismantlement of the fortifications; and military occupation of two or three points on the road from Tientsin to Peking.

These proposals were as a rule favorably received, but the United States considered some of them unnecessarily severe, and proposed a modification, as follows: The representatives of the Powers at Peking might suggest the names of additional officials for punishment; the interdiction against the importation of arms should be a question for the negotiators to settle; in the event of differences on the question of indemnities, they

THE FORBIDDEN CITY-IMPERIAL PAVILION, HALL OF CLASSICS, CONFUCIAN TEMPLE.

should be submitted to the Hague international court of arbitration; the President could not assist in the establishment of a military guard at Peking without authorization by Congress, and he reserved his opinion as to the dismantlement of fortifications; similar action was necessary concerning the protection of the roads from Tientsin to Peking.

On October 19, the Chinese Minister Wu at Washington placed in the hands of the President a telegraphic communication from the Emperor of China thanking him for taking the initiative in the withdrawal of troops from China and for his friendly offices with the other offended Powers. In his reply, the President intimated that negotiations

would begin as soon as the different governments became convinced of the Emperor's ability and intention of meting out justice to the principal offenders. China had admitted that she had done wrong, offered reparation and promised to provide against the recurrence of disorder. In fact, in accordance with her custom, she stood ready to do about all that the most resentful government could demand of her.

Although a Chinaman is often an example of the most absolute meekness, the government could not restrain its impatience for a settlement of the difficulties. On October 19, the diplomatic corps received a joint note from Li Hung Chang and Prince Ching urging the ending of the strained situation and the treating for peace, accompanied by the assurance that the princes and ministers who were accomplices of the Boxers would be handed over to the courts for trial and punishment. The French minister replied, naming four of the foremost men of the empire, who were so prominently identified with the atrocities that hostilities could not cease so long as their heads remained on their shoulders. The German Office was not satisfied with the list of officials which China engaged to punish. There was a general distrust too of the sincerity of the Chinese proposals. Reports were spread that certain officials whose punishment was demanded had died, or committed suicide. Many foreigners familiar with the subtlety and cunning of the Chinese asked: "How are we to know of a certainty that when Prince Tuan, Prince Chwang, Kang Yi or Tung Fu Hsiang is brought out and executed in the presence of the various representatives, it is really he who has suffered death? The general resemblance in fea

tures among the Chinese makes identification on our part exceedingly difficult; this resemblance can be made so close as to be almost impossible of detection; a small sum will bring forward any number of substitutes to take the place of the condemned, and those Celestials, inimitable in their magic, will fool us right before our wide-open eyes."

Further disquiet was caused by rebellions in South China. While the government was pledging itself to repress all disorder, formidable outbreaks took place in more than one quarter. The air was surcharged with doubt, uncertainty and suspicion, and the peace negotiations made little or no progress. Nor was the universal distrust lessened by certain knowledge that Chang Yen-Hoon, one of the most brilliant men in China, formerly minister to the United States, and a devoted advocate of true reform and progress, had been beheaded by order of the Empress Dowager on July 20.

It would be uninteresting and unnecessary to follow step by step the negotiations

that were carried on among the different governments for the establishment of peace. You will bear in mind that the great difficulty was the jealousy already referred to among the various Powers, which revealed itself at every step, despite the endless assurances of distinguished consideration and the exchange of effusive compliments. By the close of October, it was announced that the United States, Russia, France, Austria, Italy and Japan accepted the Anglo-German agreement, which in effect was the very policy that had actuated the United States from the first, to secure through the efforts of the governments interested an open door in China to all nations for trade, resolutely to abstain from the seizure of any land in China, and to influence so far as possible all other governments to do the same. Early in November, it was announced in Washington that three important questions were to be settled: the removal of the pestilent Dowager Empress from all participation in the government; the creation of an indemnity fund by some form of increase of the customs revenue; and the appointment of a minister of foreign affairs, instead of the useless block to all progress, the Tsung-li Yamen.

The progress of events was slow and tedious. When one difficulty was surmounted others still more formidable seemed to rise in its place. There were numerous outrages in South China and anarchy reigned in many quarters, affording the strongest proof of the imbecility, insincerity and weakness of the imperial government. Russia was dissatisfied with the severe terms imposed by the Germans and British upon the Chinese, as tending to intensify and prolong their hatred toward all foreigners. Some of the smaller Powers showed an eagerness to get possession of territory in China, and the jealousy of the Powers was more sharply marked than before.

Still, the important business was slowly advancing. On January 17, 1901, Minister Conger reported to Washington that the Chinese had duly signed, sealed, and delivered the peace protocol, and thus opened the way for negotiations for a final treaty. The points of this protocol may be thus summarized:

1. An imperial prince was to head an extraordinary embassy to Berlin with an expression of the emperor's regret for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler, and on the site of the murder a memorial monument was to be erected with an expression in Latin, German and Chinese expressing the regret of the emperor and of the government. 2. The most severe punishment was to be visited upon certain prominent officials, who were to be designated by name.

3. Reparation was to be made to Japan for the murder of her chancellor.

4. Expiatory monuments were to be erected in all foreign cemeteries where tombs had been desecrated.

5. The importation of arms or material for making arms and ammunition was to be prohibited.

6. Equitable indemnities were to be paid to states, societies and individuals, and China was to adopt financial measures acceptable to the Powers to guarantee the payment of such indemnities.

7. The Powers were to be authorized to maintain permanent legation guards and to place the legation quarter in a state of defense.

8. The Taku forts and such as interfered with free communication between Peking and the sea were to be destroyed.

9. All points necessary to secure free communication between Peking and the sea were to be occupied by foreign military.

10. Imperial edicts were to be posted for two years throughout the empire warning all of the capital punishment that would be visited upon every person joining an antiforeign society, and the various officials were to be held responsible for any and all outrages in their districts.

II. China was to negotiate with the foreign governments as to conditions suitable for trade and shipping regulations and mercantile transactions.

12. The Foreign Office was to be reformed and the court ceremonials for the reception of foreign ministers were to be changed. Until these conditions were complied with, the foreign Powers could hold out no promise of the withdrawal of their troops then occupying Peking and the provinces.

Delay, procrastination, and an interminable discussion over minor as well as important points have always characterized negotiations on the part of China. She may have been impatient for the establishment of peace and the withdrawal of the foreign troops, but she could not abandon her moss-grown system of delay. It became the turn of the Powers to grow irritated and impatient, for the expense of maintaining military forces in that distant land was enormous, while over all brooded the danger of some terrific international complication springing from some seemingly most trivial incident. Yet much of the delay was due to the Powers themselves, because of their jealousy of one another and on account of the various ends which they had in view. As the negotiations progressed it became clear that one or two were bent on securing additional territory. This was notably the case with Russia, whose course more than once awakened distrust and even protest. She met all these with the calm assurance of the purity and disinterestedness of her motives, but never ceased to try to edge her way into Manchuria.

At the joint session on February 5, the foreign envoys submitted a list of twelve leading Chinese officials whose punishment was demanded. It was found that two of the dozen were dead, and would have to be punished in the peculiar Chinese fashion by a formal memorial degradation. As was expected, China strenuously opposed the infliction of the death penalty upon any official of imperial blood, and it was finally agreed on February 20 that the sentences of Prince Tuan, Duke Lan, and General Tung Fusiang should be commuted to life imprisonment, while six others were to be put to death. On the 26th two of the notable official criminals, Chi-Hsin, the former grand secretary, and Hsu Cheng Yu, were beheaded at Peking. The first named met his fate with the calmness of his race, while the second was stupefied with opium. The misery and suffering in most of the provinces continued.

On March 15 our government ordered the evacuation of China by American troops at the end of April, but this did not take place until May. The principal troops were to be returned to Manila, but a legation force of 150 was to remain. It was also announced that most of the French force would be withdrawn, with a gradual withdrawal of the British troops. General Chaffee fully carried out his orders from Wash

ton to take no part in punitive expeditions. About this time the results of an investigation were reported as showing the murder of 240 persons connected with missionary work and more than 30,000 Chinese converts. Of the foreign victims, men, women, and children, there were 113 British Protestants, 78 Americans, with a few Scandinavian helpers; 49 Roman Catholics, French, Italian, Belgian, Dutch and Germans.

The distrust of Russia steadily grew, for there could be no doubt that, in the face of her verbal assurances to the contrary, she had deep designs upon Manchuria. These, however, were defeated for the time by the refusal of China's signature to the Manchurían convention. All the same, Russia tenaciously maintained a quarter of million of troops in Manchuria for the purpose, as she announced, of "preserving order." This

was especially distasteful to Japan, whose statesmen declared that their empire would never consent to aggressive action on the part of Russia.

The policy of the United States was clearly defined in a circular from the Secretary of State, in which he declared:

"The policy of the government of the United States is to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace in China, preserve Chinese territorial and