with the difficulties to be surmounted before they can possibly be realized.

I will now, with the leave of the House, read the resolutions which I propose to submit to the House for its consideration.

1st. "That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for ameliorating the condition of the slave population in His Majesty's colonies.

2nd. "That, through a determined and persevering, but at the same time judicious and temperate, enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of His Majesty's subjects.

3rd. "That this House is anxious for the accomplishment of this purpose, at the earliest period that shall be compatible with the wellbeing of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private property."

If the House should be inclined to adopt these Resolutions, I shall then follow them up with moving,

4th. "That the said Resolutions be laid before His Majesty by such members of this House as are of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council."

There now remains but one point, which, after having so fully expressed my sentiments to the House, I am peculiarly anxious to impress upon its consideration: I mean the mode of execution, the manner in which the Executive Government would have to act in respect of these Resolutions, in the event of their adoption. The House is aware, that over certain of the colonies in the West Indies, the Crown exercises immediate power, without the intervention of any colonial legislature. In their case, the agency of the Crown, of course, will be more free and unfettered than in colonies having their own separate government. At the same time, I must declare, that we have a right to expect from the colonial legislatures a full and fair co-operation. And, being as much averse by habit, as I am at this moment precluded by duty, from mooting imaginary points, and looking to the solution of extreme though not impossible questions, I must add, that any resistance which might be manifested to the express and declared wishes of Parliament, any resistance, I mean, which should partake, not of reason, but of contumacy, would create a case (a case, however, which I sincerely trust will never occur) upon which His Majesty's Government would not hesitate to come down to Parliament for counsel.

I will not prolong a discussion (which it has been my object to bring to a close) by any general reflections further than this, that giving every

credit as I do to the motives which have actuated the honourable gentleman, I am sure he will feel that it is perfectly consistent with a complete sympathy with his moral feelings, and consistent equally with my duty, that I should look at this subject more practically, more cautiously, and more dispassionately, and (if the honourable gentleman will permit me to say so much) more prudently than the honourable gentleman; whose warmth, however, though I must not imitate, I do not mean harshly to blame.

And further, I would assure those whose interests are involved in this great question, that whatever may be result of the present discussion, I and my colleagues are not more anxious, on the one hand, to redeem the character of the country, so far as it may have suffered by the state of slavery in the colonies, than we think ourselves bound, on the other, to guard and protect the just interests of those who, by no fault of their own— by inheritance, by accident, by the encouragement of repeated acts of the legislature—find their property vested in a concern exposed to innumerable hazards and difficulties, which do not belong to property of another character; such as, if they had their option (as their ancestors had,) they would, doubtless, in most cases, have preferred. If they have stood these hazards, if they have encountered these difficulties-and have to stand and encounter them still-we may not be able to

secure them against the consequences of such a state of things; but at least we have no right to aggravate the hazards or the difficulties which we cannot relieve.

The original Resolution was then withdrawn; the Speaker next put the question upon Mr. Canning's amendment, which was carried nem. con.; and it was ordered, "That the Resolutions (proposed by the right honourable Secretary) should be laid before His Majesty, by such members of this House as are of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council."

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

FEBRUARY 3rd, 1824.

The SPEAKER having reported the speech of the Lords Commissioners and read it to the House:

Mr. ROWLAND HILL moved, and Mr. J. DALY seconded an Address, which was an echo of the speech. After Mr. Brougham had addressed the House, in a speech of his wonted ability, animadverting upon the topics referred to in the following reply:

Mr. SECRETARY CANNING* said he rose with some degree of diffidence, because he had not previously intended to present himself to the House immediately after the honour

able and learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham), in consequence of the impression created by a rumour which he had heard, namely, that it was the intention of some honourable member on the other side to propose an amendment to the Address. However, as that intention seemed not to be entertained, and although the honourable and learned gentleman had thrown no obstacle in the way of that practical conclusion at which he believed the House would arrive, yet there were some points in his speech, which it would be neither respectful to the House, nor just towards His Majesty's Government, to pass over in silence. Whatever might have fallen from the honourable seconder, which appeared objectionable to the honourable and learned gentleman, he must request, in fairness, that the whole of the speech from the throne should be considered togetherthat it should not be taken in its separate topics, but should, be viewed with reference to the general tenor of the matters under consideration, and to the general state of the country in all its relations. He entirely agreed in the sentiment, that the present was not the moment to consider, with the best advantage, or with reference to the immediate business of the day, the by-gone question of the policy which had been adopted towards Spain. That question must refer solely to the Address carried in the last session of Parliament—he need not say with how large a majority, or with how general a concurrence of the public voice throughout the country. The policy then recommended had been strictly adhered to; and the events which were then in progress had now been brought to a conclusion. It was impossible for the speech from the throne to omit all notice of that subject; and it was equally impossible to have noticed it in a manner less calculated to revive extinguished feelings, or to excite any of those angry emotions to which the introduction of such a topic might be sup