that the French Government closely approximated to the views of the English, with respect to the Spanish American colonies.

With those who would say "I can't trust the French— I don't believe a word of their assurances," there could be no argument of any kind: no assurances of any sort could prevail with them. He was sure that the French Government looked at the question not precisely in that point of view, in which it was considered by the English Government, because the relative interests were different; but they viewed it more nearly in the same light than any of the other powers of Europe. As to the other apprehension entertained by the noble lord, it was useless to discuss it. That any other member of the European confederacy could be put in danger by the present occupation of Spain, was a vain dread. It was not possible, from their situation or circumstances, that they could by that circumstance be placed in greater danger from the power of France:

"Stabant orantes primi transmittere cursum,

Tendebantque manus ripa ulterioris amore."

If the noble lord's motion were carried, he would find, from the papers produced, the accuracy of every thing which he (Mr. C.) had now advanced. Nor could there be any immediate objection to it, as far as the negative assurances of the French Government were in question. The real obstacle with the noble lord was, that he had not laid any parliamentary grounds for his motion. His honourable friend near him, who had moved the amendment, had pursued a course, in opposing the motion, which was perfectly just towards the Government. Whenever a question of suspicion was mooted unjustly, in proportion to the injustice done to the motives of Government, so much the stronger ought to be the declaration of confidence by the

House. If the reasons of that confidence did not warrant so strong an expression of it, that was a subject which would soon be brought to a clearer understanding: if the conduct of the Government did justify the confidence, it was only fair and honourable, under those circumstances, to bring it to the proof, and make it known by a direct declaration of that confidence. If the fears of the noble lord were groundless; if there was no probability that the French Government intended to push the military occupation of Spain into political possession; if the British Government had left no steps untried to assure themselves of the intentions of the French, and found no ground whatever for apprehension; and if the House found all this upon the papers already laid before them, they were bound to vote against the noble lord; and further, if they found that, being assailed by suspicion, they were entirely without blame upon the matter in question, he hoped they would do the Government the justice to say openly to the country, that as they had nothing to allege against their past conduct, so they still held undiminished confidence in them as to the future.

SIR R. WILSON said, in explanation, that he had sent his papers unsealed through the office of the right honourable secretary, because, as he was communicating with one who was then a Minister of the Spanish court, he thought it not only proper, but highly necessary, that the officers of the British Government should be acquainted with the transaction.

MR. CANNING said, that his remark as to the inviolable secresy observed by his office in transmitting the papers of the honourable gentlemen, referred chiefly to letters to private individuals, which were also forwarded by the honourable gentleman.

The original motion was negatived, after which the Amendment was agreed to without a division.

ALIEN BILL.

APRIL 2d, 1824.

In the discussion that arose on the order of the day being moved for the second reading of the Alien Bill,

MR. SECRETARY CANNING* said, he rose rather in fulfilment of a pledge into which he had been seduced a few nights ago by the soft persuasion of the honourable member for Aberdeen (Mr. Hume), than from any admission that the question required more ample argument; and still less did he feel it necessary to rise for the purpose of making any acknowledgment that, on any former occasion of discussing the principles of this bill, his own sentiments required any, even the slightest, qualification. The honourable member for Aberdeen, in a style half complimentary to him, and half composed of serious censure on the measure itself, had done him the honour to oppose the principle of the bill to that which he deemed to be the general character and genius of his (Mr. Canning's) policy. If, however, the honourable gentleman should find any thing contradictory to the opinions which he had formed of him, in the arguments he was about to use in support of the measure; if he should find any thing which he might conceive to be opposed to the opinions which he (Mr. Canning) had professed, he would enable the honourable gentleman to thread those differences, to reconcile those seeming contradictions in his expressions, by producing, in one word, the clue of the labyrinth-the shibboleth of his (Mr. Canning's) policy upon this and every other public question; and that word

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was England." His wish was only that of being found siding, on all divisions of opinions, with the interests of his country.

He was desirous of disclaiming at the outset, the slightest reference to the wishes of any other sovereign, to the feelings of any other government, or to the interests of any other people, except in so far as those wishes, those feelings, and those interests, may, or might, concur with the just interests of England. Perhaps, of all the questions that had been recently discussed in that House, the present bill had been the most subjected to the influence of the reigning vice of all discussion at the present day-the vice of exaggeration. If, without reference to time and place, we were to hear it asserted, that it was a monstrous and unheard-of proposition, that a sovereign state should arrogate to itself the power of determining what foreigners should be admitted into its territories, and on what conditions they should reside there, the assertion would appear so monstrous and so extravagant, that no one would venture seriously to repeat it. And yet all the strength with which it had been clothed by the opponents of the bill, had been by dressing up a proposition so simple and so absurd, with facts with which it had no connection, and with suppositions which had no foundation. He must forfeit, he feared, some of the good opinion of the honourable member, when he said, that in discriminating, in the arguments on this bill, between those which maintained its principle and those which were conversant in its details, he was inclined to give most consideration to those which confirmed the principle; and, the principle once established, though it might afterwards be shown that errors accompanied the exercise of it on particular occasions, it was still good for all times and circumstances. Being a principle of that force and generality, it could not be done away, and the details must consequently

form but a secondary consideration. He said, that the right must have existed, and must continue to exist, at all times and under all circumstances. He did not therefore say, that at all times and under all circumstances the power was equally applicable. But he would say, not meaning to take the power of the Crown apart from the authority of Parliament, that if it were found that no such power as that of constraining aliens more than natural-born subjects existed, and upon any new and unexpected emergency the want of that power should be felt, that would be such a state of things as ought not to be allowed to exist, even if this temporary bill should expire; and he trusted that expire it would, without another renewal. He repeated his earnest hope and expectation, that it would expire without another renewal. But, even in that case, with respect to the principle of power, Government, of whomsoever it might be composed at the time, would not do its duty, if it suffered the principle to lapse into annihilation, or if by neglect they should afterwards allow the power itself altogether to escape from their hands. He hoped he should not be taunted by the honourable gentleman with throwing any thing out as a lure for popularity, when he thus candidly avowed, that his only consideration was, how to preserve the principle of the measure; and, that being once effected, that he was little anxious about the details, and was not at all disposed to undertake to show how, by whom, and on what particular occasions, that power should be now exercised. When he said "now," he wished not to be misunderstood. Much argument had been wasted on the question of situation. Honourable gentlemen had gone back to former times to show that the power was or was not in the Crown, without the Parliament; and, in his opinion, the precedents produced were equally strong in proof for either side of that argument. The power had undoubt