whether the electors of New-Jersey, generally, had voted for him or not, would have made him President. They might, too, afterwards, have divulged the fact with great eclat; since their solitary votes would have accompl shed that, to which the combined efforts of the Federalists, in the House of Representives, were inadequate; the election of Mr. Burr to the Presidency.

Pennsylvania, however, gave a majority of one vote only for the Republican candidates; the Federalists had, therefore, hopes of the success of Pinckney and Adams. Dr. Smith of New-Jersey, and Tapping Reeve of Connecticut, of course, voted for the Federal candidates in the hope that they might ultimately succeed.

Mr. Burr could now only expect to have an equality of votes with Mr. Jefferson, and in this casualty, which actually happened, the choice of a President must devolve, as it did, on the House of Representatives. As it was known to be the primary object of the Republican party, to place Mr. Jefferson in the Presidential Chair, it was very generally expected in New-York, that some one of the southern states would give that illustrious person a few more votes than Mr. Burr. This was deemed essential to insure the election of Mr. Jefferson, and to avoid that dishonorable contest, which subsequently took place in the House of Representatives. But if Mr. Jefferson had obtained in any of the states, one or two more votes than Mr. Burr, the desired end would have been answered. It was essential, therefore, to the success of Mr. Burr's projects, to cause it to be be lieved in the Southern States, that Mr. Jefferson would certainly have one or two votes in Rhode-Island, and that the

rest would be given to the Federal candidates. This being effectually done, it was in those states deemed unnecessary to withhold any votes from Mr. Burr, especially as in the end the doing so might deprive us of a Republican VicePresident. Mr. Burr, therefore, turned his attention to the State of Rhode-Island, and to the circulation of the report, that Mr. Jefferson would undoubtedly have two votes in that

state.

Here he was personally active. He went to Rhode-Island, where he remained some time. He visited Gov. Fenner and other influential men, and returned with the information, which was then deemed pleasing, that Mr. Jefferson would unquestionably have two of the Electoral votes of that state, but that he himself should have none; the rest would be given to the Federal candidates.

After he returned, he dispatched a friend to Rhode-Island, who, it was industriously reported in the city of NewYork, confirmed, in his letters, the agreeable intelligence brought by Mr. Burr.

This information was accordingly communicated, with much care, by some of Mr. Burr's friends to the Southern States, where it obtained general credence, and induced the Electors to give Mr. Burr an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Burr had also agents in those States, who actively circulated the story among the Electors.

A gentleman in New-York, a revolutionary officer, and a distinguished patriot, communicated the mischievous and unfounded report to the Southern States; which he, no

doubt, at the time accredited. He wrote, it is highly proba ble, from the best motives; though it is certain he did immense mischief. For his attachment to the cause was so generally known, and at the same time believed to be so sincere, that no man thought him capable of being guilty of a dishonorable intrigue. His name is concealed from the conviction, that his good sense and patriotism have triumphed over the artful delusions of Mr. Burr.

Mr. Burr's prospects were now auspicious. Every State on which the Republicans calculated, presented a cheering aspect, except South Carolina; and of his success here, Mr. Burr had some doubts. At the presidential election of 1797, the State of South Carolina was somewhat swayed by local considerations. Her votes were then given to Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Thomas Pinckney. No apprehensions, however, were now entertained as to Mr. Jefferson, it was on all hands admitted that the Electors of South Carolina would vote for him; but it was doubtful in New-York, whether they would not also vote for Mr. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, the federal candidate. Had they done so, he would have been Vice-President. Mr. Burr saw the importance to himself of the South Carolina votes, and he accordingly directed his attention to that State.

As usual, he dispatched an agent to Columbia, the seat of the State Government. This agent was Mr. Timothy Greene, an attorney now residing in the state of New-York, Mr. Greene was suitably recommended to Mr. Wade Hampton, and other Republican Electors. He remained at

Columbia many weeks, and forwarded daily to Mr. Burr the result of his diplomatique conferences. To avoid PostOffice curiosity, his dispatches were directed under cover to Mr. John Swartwout, Marshal; who being in the confidence of Mr. Burr, and favorable to his views, carried them to him with great fidelity as they came to hand.

Mr. Greene acknowledges that the expence of his misson, was not thrown away for nothing. It appeared to him when he first conversed with the Electors about Mr. Burr, that he was very little known in South Carolina, and that great doubts were entertained of the propriety of voting for him. How far Mr. Greene removed these doubts, we cannot say. It is however probable that his mission, though somewhat expensive, was of much service to Mr. Burr.

It is hardly necessary to mention, that the South Carolina votes were eventually given to the Republican candidates, and Mr. Burr relieved from his unpleasant situation.

Those votes completed the equality between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, though the equality was not, till some time after, officially known. The Electors of New-York had been led to believe, that Mr. Burr would not have an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson in some of the other States. Could they have anticipated the event as it actually turned out, Mr. Burr would not have had more than ten of the twelve electoral suffrages of New-York: two of the Electors at least, would have with-holden their votes from him. But as with the rest of our citizens so with our elec

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ters, the unfounded report concerning Rhode-Island, had some weight. They, however, particularly relied on Virginia, to drop Mr. Burr a few votes. The state of New

York, exempt from local attachments derogatory to the common-weal; would, had they thought it probable that Mr. Burr would have had an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson, have taken good care, that the Union should not have been jeopardized, by the schemes of aggrandizement of a subtle and selfish individual.

We now come to consider Mr. Burr's conduct, after it was believed, and subsequent to its being officially known, that the Presidential votes were equal for the two candidates.*

The first thing in order in this new scene of deep machination, is the celebrated letter of the Vice-President to General Samuel Smith of Baltimore. When this letter first appeared, such was its exterior frankness, such its seeming sincerity; and so exactly did its contents accord with the affections of the people for that admirable man who now fills the chair of state, that it added, in the estimation of

*The information already mentioned, concerning Mr. Burr's artifices in this state, is not yet come to hand. Its nature is known; but the consent of an eminent character to its publication is wanting. It shall, however, be given to the public in some shape, when that consent shall have been obtained. Nothing has been, or shall be stated, that cannot when necessary, be proved in a Court of Justice.

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