A Great Russia: Russia and the Triple Entente, 1905-1914

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Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002 - 190 páginas

The Triple Entente of Great Britain, Russia, and France was the foreign policy prong of the Russian imperial government's reaction to the disastrous events of 1905, including the revolution and the near defeat in the Russo-Japanese War. This alignment with the two western, liberal powers was almost universally perceived within official Russian governing circles as a necessary, if ideologically distasteful, diplomatic relationship to offset the growing German threat on the continent. Maintaining the entente would help Russia retain its great power status. For the first time, Tomaszewski tells the official Russian side of the story, long inaccessible due to restrictions imposed by the relevant Russian archives during the Soviet era. In doing so, she sheds new light on the international scene as the crisis of World War One approached.

The Triple Entente went hand in hand with two policies of Stolypin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers: draconian repression of the revolutionaries and sweeping domestic reforms. Acutely aware that serious failures in foreign policy would threaten the regime's existence, the imperial government designed both its foreign and its domestic policies to consolidate the autocracy for the twentieth century. Nicholas II gambled on the Triple Entente and its diplomatic alignment with the other two status-quo powers as the best means of preserving the peace in Europe and thereby preserving the imperial system as well.

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Índice

Nicholas II and
43
Foreign
67
Russian Officialdom and
107
The Tsarist Regimes Manipulation of Public
143
Conclusion
165
Index
185
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Página 9 - But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent position Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement, by allowing Britain to be treated, where her interests were vitally affected, as if she were of no account in the Cabinet of nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure.
Página 41 - Palisse," that, as we knew all along, 1914 is, if only approximately, a half-way station between 1905 and 1917. What the war years would do was not to conceive, but to accelerate substantially, the two broad processes of polarization that had already been at work in Russian national life during the immediate prewar period.
Página 52 - Emperor said that we might at any rate conclude some arrangement similar to that which existed between His Majesty's Government and the Government of the French Republic.
Página 37 - York, 1992), pp. 416—417. Resistance to the accord did exist in official quarters, most notably from General FF Palitsyn, chief of the General Staff. He objected to the generous concessions to Britain, particularly in Persia and was loathe to surrender Russia's position because of temporary weakness. Furthermore, he was worried about alienating Germany. See IV Ignat'ev, Russko-angliiskie otnoshenie nakitnune pervoi mirovoi voiny (Moscow, 1962), pp.
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Página 132 - Weakening of the Monarchist Principle. — It should not be forgotten that Russia and Germany are the representatives of the conservative principle in the civilized world, as opposed to the democratic principle, incarnated in England and, to an infinitely lesser degree, in France. Strange as it may seem, England, monarchistic and conservative to the marrow at home, has in her foreign relations always acted as the protector of the most demagogical tendencies, invariably encouraging all popular movements...
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Página 15 - The Russian Liberals and the 1906 Anglo-French Loan to Russia," The Slavonic and East European Review 39 ( 1 96 1 ) pp.
Página 41 - The Problem of Political and Social Stability in Urban Russia on the Eve of War and Revolution" Revisited', Slavic Review 59(4), 2000, pp.

Sobre el autor (2002)

FIONA K. TOMASZEWSKI is Professor of History at John Abbott College in Sainte Anne de Bellevue Quebec.

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