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nobler than the one I look upon to-night, and over which I have the honour to preside. It has not been called by "tuck of drum," but by the gentle voice of women telling of the need there is to raise woman's position in the State, and whatever raises her position there will raise it also on the family hearth. Your position has been raised by the possession of the right to vote at municipal elections, and the meetings which have been held in and around Glasgow during the last fortnight have been for the purpose of stimulating you to exercise your newly-acquired right on the 7th of this month intelligently and faithfully. I wish every woman householder could feel with regard to this duty the same high sense of moral obligation which marked the conduct of a poor widow in one of our manufacturing towns near Manchester. The stern messenger which takes no denial had visited her home and taken away her child. The sorrowing mother laid the beloved form- all that was left to her-in its little shroud. "Shall I go to vote?" she asked herself. My child needs no more earthly care; it seems hard to leave it; but I'll do my duty." She locked the door upon what she so sacredly loved, went to the polling booth, recorded her vote, and returned to the silent companionship of her lifeless babe, stronger in soul for what she had done. Such a mother deserved full political rights. I told the story to a member of Parliament who was arguing against women's suffrage. He replied, "That woman has converted me. I shall vote for you after this." We must not however expect too much from women at first. Men don't take so much interest in municipal elections as they ought. The franchise is an educational measure, and the good conferred will increase every year. To our friends who have been working so zealously amongst you, you have given a warm and intelligent welcome; indeed the position wherever they go may be compared to what we call in our households a fire," ready for the match. The match has been applied, and you have heard, as it were, the crackling of the wood as one fire after another has been kindled, until this great meeting has been gathered to stand out like a beacon-light (and we have had eight such beaconlights), to show the Government and the House of Commons the strength of our position. We are met here to-night to ask that the Parliamentary franchise shall be conferred on women householders. I believe with Professor Caird, who spoke the other evening so nobly in our cause, "that next to the Education Bill, it would be the greatest possible educational influence that could be brought to bear upon women. I was glad to see that he strongly urged that women should be placed on your School Board—aud, let me add, on your Parochial Board also, for nowhere are they more needed. We have worked for this franchise 16 years. We have gained much during that time, but still we are not politically free. The delay with which our claim has been met has given us time to know our own strength by using it. We were met at first in the House of Commons by much rancour and ridicule. We fear no such attacks now. Knowing that right was on our side, and "scorning to be bound by fear of blame," we persevered, and marvellous is the change which has come over the spirit of our country. That we can assemble here in so many thousands, sympathised with

"cold

and helped on by the voices of the best men and women of Glasgow, and its surrounding towns, to ask that the Parliamentary franchise shall be conferred upon women, is of itself a proof that we ought not to be far from realising our wishes. When I think of victory I mourn, as we all do, that some of our friends who helped us at first are no longer here to rejoice with us at the end and to receive our thanks. Amongst these is Sir David Wedderburn. We never asked his help and were denied it. On public platforms, at drawing-room meetings, and in the House of Commons his sympathy and help were freely given. After long periods of foreign travel he came back true to us as at first. He had to the last the courage of his convictions, and has left a bright example that neither prejudice nor party should stand before duty in the mind of any honest man. It was in 1871, when Mr. Jacob Bright's bill in favour of women's suffrage was under discussion in the House of Commons, that Mr. Gladstone, after acknowledging how much women suffered from legal injustice for want of political power, said that man would be a real benefactor to his country who by an alteration in the law respecting political power could put the relations between men and women on a more satisfactory basis. It is eleven years since Mr. Gladstone raised our hopes that he would be that man. It is three years since he strengthened those hopes when in addressing the women of Dalkeith he told them there was a side of politics that belonged to women, and exhorted them to discharge faithfully such political duties as devolved upon them. That is the side of politics which is chiefly uppermost in the present day. When two Liberal candidates offered themselves to Edinburgh a fortnight ago, the Scotsman mourned because they were both such little men-they could only see the moral and social questions which interested the different sections of society. He said in effect that Edinburgh ought to have a big man who could overlook such questions, who was tall enough to see grand imperial questions. I think women would have faith to believe that he who would be faithful over small duties" would be made ruler over more." They would prefer the so-called little men who could see the stumbling-blocks in the way of social reform and help to remove them. I wish we had more men both inside and out of the House of sufficient mental strength and stature to see how one Imperial question is sapping the roots of our national morality. The most persistent argument that has been used against giving us the franchise is that it would take women out of their sphere. I tell you ́ what takes women out of their sphere. Our large standing armies. Thousands of men taken away from home life, making home life impossible to thousands of women, many of whom denied the life the Creator intended for them, are dragged down into sin and degradation, until they are deemed nuisances, and police laws are framed to render them homeless. I do not ignore the difficulties of the question, but I cannot help contrasting their position with that of the men who have dragged them down to their pitiless condition, and who are deemed worthy to be heads of households and of influencing the purity of our country. Do you wonder that a God of justice and purity is calling out women, not only in our land, but everywhere, to protest against all this injus

tice? We meet with almost no opposition except from men who are afraid of what influence we might have on these moral questions, and but for this opposition might slightly alter the words of Beranger, the French poet, and say

'Tis time the right were given;

The storm hath ceased to blow.

We are deeply indebted to Mr. Fawcett for having in his recent speech at Liverpool clearly shown our constitutional right to the franchise, and for having declared that it was time public opinion should speak out on the question. The London Daily News expressed entire agreement with him. Well, public opinion has spoken out very plainly in Glasgow, and, as I mentioned not long ago here, the Convention of Royal Burghs, a representative body of all Scotland, has spoken out and petitioned Government to give us our constitutional right without further delay. Every argument has been exhausted on this question. We have all been interested in hearing how much Mr. Gladstone enjoys the healthy exercise of cutting down trees in his times of leisure. There are trees of longer and deeper growth than any our forests can boast of, and which spread their branches wider. We 5000 women here, and the many thousands elsewhere who are with us in spirit to night, ask Mr Gladstone to lay his axe to the roots of those trees of prejudice and injustice which bind women down to that political inequality which in 1871 he acknowledged was the cause of the unfairness of the laws with regard to them. Yet what do we see in 1882? Whilst the educated women of Edinburgh were holding their annual suffrage meeting last March, supported by many of their best citizens, one of the judges of the Court of Session and four advocates were engaged in trying a case whether a municipal election in a neighbouring borough should be declared void, owing, among other things, to an alleged irregularity in the way in which certain illiterate male voters had recorded their votes, Now, could we be otherwise than indignant that Parliament should make elaborate provisions for illiterate men to exercise the franchise both in municipal and Parliamentary elections, and that the time of the highest Court in Scotland might be occupied in seeing whether those provisions had been fully carried out, whilst educated women were excluded from giving an intelligent vote for a member of Parliament? There has been a Parliamentary election to-day in Edinburgh. If Mr. Waddy shall have been the successful candidate, the finger on the dial-plate of freedom will have been turned back in that city, and Edinburgh will send no voice to the House of Commons in favour of women's suffrage. For ten years, Justice, irrespective of sex, has been inscribed on the flag which our representatives have carried there. I maintain that men who have always supported us in this agitation are as little justified in voting for a candidate who would not vote for our enfranchisement as they would be in voting for one who would not support a measure for assimilating the burgh and county franchise had they always been in favour of the latter. No one has more opportunity of seeing the sadder phases of life than a practising barrister; but men grow callous by what they habitually see. It was a woman's pitying

"torn

eye that saw the miseries of Newgate, and her hand helped to clea away the impurities of that loathsome prison. There are duties yet connected with prison discipline which are awaiting the hands and hearts of women to deal with-duties which would be more easily performed if they had political powers. Nothing can be more demoralising than a continual round of punishment with impossible reform. Asylums ought to be opened to those hapless women in the brambles," to whom the honest paths of life are for ever closed-asylums, not called prisons, with a little green grass to walk upon, where they can see the sky overhead; that we may not see old women of 77 sent to prison for ten years for a petty theft of 1s. 3d.-the kindest sentence the law could give, the only way to give her a home. I was staying not long ago at West Shandon, and was much interested in seeing large ships which had braved many an ocean storm sail up your beautiful Gareloch to a point sheltered from disturbing forces to have their compasses set right. I sometimes thought there might be some analogy between that calm lake and the clear judgment of some women whose faith in God and His precepts had been undisturbed by contact with those greater evils of life with which men are too familiar; and to that quiet haven, it seemed to me, men might come with advantage to have their moral compasses set right, and made to point more directly to purity of life and justice to all, without which no nation can be truly great.

Miss Wigham then read letters of congratulation and sympathy: one was from Mrs. Peter Taylor, who was the first woman who took in hand the organisation of women for the purpose of securing women's suffrage. Miss Tod, of Belfast, moved the first resolution, which was supported by Mrs. Charles McLaren, Miss Craigen, and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, from America. This is not the first time Mrs. Stanton has been in England. The first time was when she was sent as delegate from one of the American Anti-Slavery Associations to the world's Convention in London in 1840, and was denied all share in the proceedings because she was a woman. Now, she saw one of the greatest halls in the kingdom crowded by women meeting together for a political object. Between that time and this what effort, sacrifice, and courage, has been necessary on the part of women, and how great a change has been made in their social and legal position both in England and America.

The second resolution, a memorial to Mr. Gladstone, was proposed by Miss Becker, seconded by Mrs. Beddoe, of Bristol, Mrs. Shearer and Mrs. Wellstood, of Edinburgh. The third resolution was moved by Miss Flora Stevenson and seconded by Miss Stoddart.

On the motion of Miss Barton, a unanimous vote of thanks was awarded to Mrs. McLaren.

On the following morning a conference of friends and workers took place. A Committee will be established in Glasgow, and the movement be carried on still more effectively.

In preparation for the demonstration a great number of meetings had been held in Glasgow and the neighbouring towns, to which men as well as women were cordially invited. These meetings were addressed by Mrs. Shearer, Mrs. Scatcherd, Mrs. C. McLaren, Miss Craigen, Miss Kirkland, and other ladies. We can do no more than give a list of the meetings.

RUTHERGLEN, New Town Hall, October 18th, Provost Fleming presiding.

CROSSHILL, Free Church Hall, October 19th, Provost Browne presiding.

GLASGOW, Queen's Rooms, Clifton Street, October 20th, Professor Edward Caird presiding.

PAKTICK, Burgh Hall, October 23rd, Professor Lindsay presiding.

GOVAN, Govan Hall, October 24th, Provost Thomson presiding.

HELENSBURGH, King Street Hall, October 25th, Provost Stuart presiding.

PAISLEY, Templar Hall, October 26th, Provost McKean presiding.

GREENOCK, Temperance Institute, October 27th; Chairman, Dr. W. J. Marshall.

GLASGOW, Campbell-field Wooden Church, October 30th; Chairman, Ex-Baillie Burt.

GLASGOW, Sydney Place Upper Church Hall, October 31st Chairman, Ex-Baillie Salmon.

GLASGOW, Mission Hall, Anderston, October 31st; Chairman, Rev. Albert Goodrich.

GLASGOW, Milton Hall, Cowcaddens Street, November 1st; Chairman, Councillor Jackson.

GLASGOW, Southside Hall, Nelson Street, November 1st; Chairman, James Buchanan, Esq.

GLASGOW, St. James' Hall, Stirling Road, November 2nd; Chairman, Sir William Collins.

GLASGOW, Assembly Rooms, Crown Street, November 2nd; Chairman, Ex-Baillie Scott, J.P.