of boys and girls, whilst it educated only eighteen girls as against hundreds of boys. It was not possible to redress the injustice of the past, but something could be done for the future. He was in favour of bringing every possible pressure to bear upon Government and the Legislature to induce them to say that in future all endowments should be divided equally between boys and girls; and that girls, as one half of the population, should have one half of that which is publicly devoted to purposes of education. He concurred in the suggestion of Mr. Lambert that in any future schemes "child" should be substituted for "boy," so that, however impossible it might be now to use an income equally for both sexes, there shall be no future difficulty or obstacle to having the funds so applied. What would be a solution of the whole difficulty it was impossible to hope for now, though it had been already adopted in the United States with the best possible results. That was the plan of mixed education for boys and girls of all ages up to the time of their leaving school. Sixteen years ago he received from Mr. Horace Mann, then at the head of a large mixed college, a letter in which he gave an account of the system of mixed education existing there. From his own experience and that of his wife, Mr. Mann said that, so far from the evil results which were often prognosticated being produced, the results were of the most happy description; the education of boys and girls was far better carried on in unison than it could be separately, and to that system of mixed education was owing the fact that the United States were able to give the blessings of education to their whole people. Separate schools for boys and girls necessarily involved double expense, while, if they were educated together one endowment could be used equally for both. He did not believe this could be carried out in England for some years to come, but he believed it would be the best possible solution of the difficulty. The education for boys and girls of all ranks would be obtained by educating them together under the highest system which could be devised.

Miss SHERIFF, in reply, said that in her paper she dealt with intellectual educa tion and school instruction, but not with moral education, which was more a question of home, and you required to widen the circle of a woman's interests, and tc strengthen her reasoning powers in order to strengthen her moral qualities. She did not take industrial training into consideration; that was quite separate: she desired to give a general education first, and then let the pupils supplement that by industrial training. If the young ladies in the Edinburgh school were not allowed to practise as well as to listen, they could never become trained teachers. Girls' schools should be provisional only. Train boys and girls alike, and their natures being different, the results would be diversified.

Mr. PEARS moved the following resolution :-"That this meeting, believing that the registration of teachers and the inspection of middle-class schools provided for in the Endowed Schools Bill, Part 2, will afford valuable public provisions for the better secondary education of girls, requests the Council of the Association to urge upon the President and Vice-President of the Privy Council the necessity of reintroducing that measure into Parliament at the earliest possible opportunity." The Rev. Mr. BROOKE LAMBERT seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously.

SCIENTIFIC EDUCATION.*

On the Present Relation of Science to the British Government, and Public School Education. By GEORGE GORE, F.R.S. T is a matter of great importance to this nation, and of special

realize the position which science at present occupies in relation to our Government. That position will probably be brought to light by the evidence which is now being given by our leading scientific

* See Transactions, 1871, p. 384.

men before the Royal Commission for the Advancement of Science.

For many years science has been of immense practical value to us; it has by means of its discoveries originated all our telegraphs, railways, steam-ships, gas-lighting, photography, electro-plating, artillery, and nearly all our great manufactures. It has led to the expenditure of hundreds of millions of pounds upon these and other matters; and at the present time this nation largely exists upon the applied results of scientific discovery. There was a period when we did not possess such evidence of the great value of science, but that time has passed away, and our governing men have had abundant proof of the national importance of scientific discovery, and of the essential dependence of the welfare of this country upon scientific research. It is upon these grounds that our Governments are expected to consider their duty with regard to science.

It is the duty of the State, and not that of individuals, to prosecute scientific labours, the results of which are indispensable to the welfare of the country, and the benefits of which are reaped, not by the scientific workers, but by the nation at large.

Scientific discovery and research (as distinguished from invention) is national work, and it is a duty of the State to provide and pay for it, because the results of it are of immense value, and indispensable to the nation; also, because nearly the whole benefit of it goes to the nation, and scarcely any to the discoverer; and because there exists no other means by which scientific investigatros can be paid for their labours.

It is barely credible that whilst the non-productive classes of the community are protected in the enjoyment of titles and material wealth which they have not earned, the greatest scientific workers and benefactors of the nation receive actually no payment for their labours, and the nation in general, and the non-productive classes in particular, reap the pecuniary benefit.

It may be objected that scientific men ought either to sell their discoveries or protect them by means of patents. Neither of these cases are possible; scientific discoveries, although of such great value, are not saleable things, because they have not been converted by the process of invention into practical shapes, and because they cannot be protected by patent. They cannot be protected because they are so universal in their applications; a single discovery often originates more than one hundred inventions, as may be readily seen by the number of patents taken out for the application of a singlediscovered substance, such as gutta-percha or india-rubber. No man could have secured to himself the discovery of the chemical action of light, because of the great number of persons who would have applied it to useful purposes and used the applications; to claim such a discovery would be a considerable approach towards monopolizing the benefit of light itself. It is only when a discovery has been adapted to some particular use in some special way by means of invention, that its discoverer can protect a part of it by patent, and reap any pecuniary benefit; and to protect it com

pletely would require it to be applied to all the practical uses of which it is capable, which could only be effected by means of many inventions.

Scientific discoveries, being of universal utility, like the light, the land, the air we breathe, belong by their very nature to all the nation. From the moment a discovery is published it gets copied into all the scientific publications; it immediately becomes used by teachers for the purposes of instruction, and by inventors generally as a basis for patentable inventions, and in these ways it becomes at once national property, and no law can prevent it.

It may also be objected that scientific men should not make discoveries if there is no payment for such labour. Many men are impelled by a natural desire to do good, irrespective of payment, whilst others are equally selfish and live upon the labours of their fellow-creatures; and if such men did not make discoveries we should be without most of the luxuries, comforts, and conveniences of life. Every man who benefits his fellow-creatures, or labours for the good of the nation, is entitled to means of existence, and the only just course is to provide means for his support.

It may further be objected that scientific men should keep their discoveries secret, but that would be worse than useless, because discoveries cost great skill and labour, and, when published, are of great value to mankind.

The general aspect in which science is viewed by many persons is that of a refined, intellectual pursuit, which may be encouraged and honoured for the purpose of maintaining the tone of society, but which must on all occasions be considered as secondary to the more apparently practical requirements of national life, and be sacrificed to them; but this is a superficial idea, and has its origin in the low state of scientific knowledge. Science is eminently practical; scientific discovery lies at the very basis of national progress, and is the origin of nearly all the practical advantages of civilized life. The idea of men being able to honour demonstrable truth is simply an ignorant conceit; science cannot be honoured by any one; and the question is, not whether the State shall encourage science as a refined intellectual occupation, but whether our Governments will consider the welfare of the nation in its relation to science.

One of the first duties of a government is to protect its subjects in the enjoyment of their property, but as no law can reserve to discoverers the fruits of their industry, and as scientific discovery is national work, it is clearly a duty of the State to pay for it. It is as certainly its duty to provide and pay for original research, as for its military and naval establishments, because the development of the industry and warlike appliances of a nation is quite as important as the maintenance of its means of defence and aggression; and we must not forget that our great cannon, explosive missiles, and armour-plated ships, would not have existed but for the discoveries of scientific men.

Since the last Paris Exhibition an opinion has gradually spread,

that in consequence of our neglect of science, foreign nations are supplanting England in her manufactures; but whether this opinion is, or is not, correct, there can be no doubt that national superiority can only be maintained by being first in the race, and that, as a matter of prudence, we should not neglect any precaution which is necessary to the welfare of the nation.

The condition of science in this country has become most unsatisfactory, largely in consequence of its neglect by our governments. Several of our most able investigators have ceased to make researches, because the State does not pay for such labours; several, also, of our most eminent discoverers have died, and others have not arisen to take their places. The discoveries in chemistry by British chemists, published in the Journal of the Chemical Society, have diminished, almost to zero, whilst those of foreign chemists have so increased that the journal referred to is almost filled with them.

In all directions, wherever we examine the state of knowledge of science amongst the governing men of this country, we find it very defective, and attended by results seriously injurious to the welfare of the nation. Gentlemen who are comparatively ignorant of science are appointed by our Governments to decide scientific questions. Only recently, May 21, 1872, a memorial of the British Association, signed by the eminent president, Sir William Thomson, was sent to the Lords of the Treasury, applying for a sum of 150l. to continue a series of observations on the tides, upon which the Association had already expended 6007. from its own resources, and which was essential to a more complete knowledge of the tides, and consequently to the safety of our navy. The reply to this application was most civil, but putting upon it the most charitable construction, it exhibited a degree of ignorance of the national value of science most painful to contemplate. The reply stated, "that their lordships had given their anxious attention to the memorial, and they are fully sensible of the interesting nature of such investigations; but that they feel that if they acceded to this request, it would be impossible to refuse to contribute towards the numerous other objects which men of science may desire to treat scientifically. Their lordships must, therefore, though with regret, decline to make a promise of assistance towards the present object out of public funds."

Their

Here was a subject of great importance to the national welfare, and which it was the duty of the State and not that of the British Association wholly to pay for, treated as if it was only an investigation which men of eminence may desire to treat scientifically. lordships were apparently not aware that ignorance of the course and heights of tides often leads to shipwrecks, and that their refusal of 150. might lead to the loss of some valuable ships; they seemed also to have forgotten that the loss of the ill-fated "Captain" was due to neglect of science. Such a want of knowledge in any private appointment would be a sufficient reason to remove from his post the responsible person. It is difficult to believe that the government of a maritime country should be so ignorant of science as to decline to make even a promise of assistance out of the public funds of the

small sum of 1507. for such an important purpose, whilst it expends immense sums of money upon ships. Their lordships were manifestly unable to appreciate the importance of the application, or to perceive the duty of the State to pay for such labours, and instead of acting upon the opinion of disinterested men of the highest eminence on the subject, declined to accede to the request.

Gentlemen who are but little acquainted with science, are also appointed by our governments to direct eminent scientific men in scientific matters, and the results, as might be expected, are most unsatisfactory. A recent melancholy instance of this kind, which is degrading our Government in the opinion of other nations and of all well-instructed persons, is fresh in the memory of the public. Mr. Ayrton, the Chief Commissioner of Works, was placed in authority over the eminent botanist, Dr. Hooker, and presumed to interfere with the management of the hot-houses under Dr. Hooker's care. There is scarcely a scientific man in this country who has not frequently suffered from similar ignorant misdirection, but the circumstances have not happened to become public.

If governing men possessing the requisite knowledge of science for such posts cannot be obtained, it is quite clear that those appointed should not be entrusted with the power nor burthened with the responsibility of directing subjects they do not understand; and the course indicated in such a case is a division of labour, making the scientific officers under Government much more independent than they hitherto have been.

The origin of all these evils lies largely in the defective state of scientific instruction at our old universities and great public schools. Our governing men, having been chiefly educated at those institu. tions, have been but little instructed in science. In addition to this, science has advanced so greatly during the last few years, that it has become an immense department of national life requiring a special education to understand, and has left our old institutions behind.

The heads of colleges and the head masters of nearly all our grammar schools having also acquired their learning at our old universities, have been but little or not at all educated in science, and, in consequence of this, scientific instruction is in a low state throughout nearly the whole scholastic system of the country. Further, the Endowed Schools Commissioners, now pursuing its labours, recommends "that all lecturers and teachers" in various grammar schools of this country "shall be appointed and dismissed by the head masters," and that "the said head masters shall have under their control the choice of books and the method of teaching" in those schools. A result of these provisions will be, that the system of appointing gentlemen comparatively ignorant of science to direct. teachers of science will be continued, and scientific instruction will continue to be degraded in the grammar schools of this country. These very proposals prove that the gentlemen who made them had not been well instructed in science.

The practice in this country of placing gentlemen comparatively ignorant of science to legislate for science, and to direct scientific