attack is leadership of Boniface, while the remaining four made the attack under the orders of Baldwin. The outside wall, an outwork of the imperial palace, near if not actually on the sea, was defended partly by Pisan auxiliaries,' but mainly by the Waring guard, les Anglois et les Danois, as the Western historians call them. This was the position first attacked by The first the army. Two scaling ladders, or probably wide platforms, made, were thrown against the wall. The assault was 'fort et bon et dur,' and by sheer force fifteen of the boldest among the Flemings managed to win a position on the wall. There they fought shoulder to shoulder with their swords against men of their own race armed with Danish bills. The struggle on the wall was fierce. The Warings steadily recovered ground, drove their daring assailants back, and captured two of them. The Crusaders were not able again to gain even a temporary foothold on the walls. The first attack had failed on the landward side, On the seaward side the Venetians were more successful. The brave Dandolo, old and blind, the gonfalon of St. Mark flying proudly over his head, directed the attack from his own. galley. No precaution that long experience could suggest was neglected by him. The ships had been carefully cased and covered with raw hides so as to resist the famous Greek fire. Scaling ladders, or rather bridges, had been provided in great numbers, which could reach from the ships' cross-trees to the walls. These were formed of the ships' yards, with sails and skins, so completely protecting the fighters that it was almost impossible for arrows to reach them. They were so wide that three knights could advance abreast.2 The fleet was drawn up in line three crossbow shots long opposite the walls. The order was given to advance as near the shore as they could get. This was done under a tremendous discharge of stones from mangonels placed on the towers. In spite of this opposition the ships pushed boldly ashore. Their stems were moored to the land, and anchors were thrown out from their sterns. Each huissier had a the latter. Nicetas mentions the Pisans and the Warings. Villehardouin speaks only of mangonel. The stones thrown in immense quantities by the Romans were returned by the Venetians, and the return shots were better aimed. The Venetians succeeded during the attack in destroying the outer wall of the palace with a battering-ram.' The bolts came in abundance from the crossbows. The scaling-ladders thrown out from the ships' tops were so close to the walls that the contending soldiers fought together with lance and sword. A fierce hand-to-hand fight went on for some hours without interruption. The galleys had at first not ventured to run their bows on to the land, but had remained astern of the transports. Dandolo determined that everything should be dared. He commanded his own crew to put him on shore on the narrow strip of land a few feet broad, between the walls and the water, and threatened his followers with death when they hesitated to obey. The old man and those with him leaped on shore. When the men in the other galleys saw the gonfalon of St. Mark carried on shore over the head of their fearless leader, they rushed to defend him. The enthusiasm spread throughout the fleet. Numbers of men from the transports and the barges leaped into their boats or into the water and landed. The order was given that a general attack of all the Venetians should be concentrated upon a short distance of the walls. A battering ram was brought to bear against one of the towers. Those who worked it were defended by a crowd of crossbowmen. While this thundered at the walls below, hundreds of men were fighting from the scaling-ladders, and trying to win or to hold a position on the walls. Presently the gonfalon of St. Mark was seen flying from one of the towers. For awhile the defenders were panic-stricken and fled. Immediate advantage was taken of this success. Twenty-five towers were captured by the Venetians before the Greeks could rally. The invaders pushed beyond the walls, but a new detachment of the imperial troops, consisting of Warings and Pisans, came up and drove them back to the towers, but from the latter even the Warings were not able to dislodge them. In order to render their hold on the fortifications less liable to 2 Nicetas, p. 720. 1 Nicetas, p. 721. 2 attack, or perhaps, as Villehardouin asserts, in order to cover their retreat, the Venetians set fire to the neighbouring buildings. The fire spread rapidly, and burnt a large mass of buildings. While this fighting about the seaward towers was going on, a sortie of the imperial troops took place from the gate of St. Romanos, at a considerable distance from the camp. The Crusaders immediately abandoned their attack, and drew themselves up behind their palisades. Villehardouin alleges that against their six battalions the imperial troops were forty, and an even greater discrepancy is represented by Robert de Clari.' The former adds, however, that they could only be attacked in front. The tidings of this incident were at once conveyed to Dandolo, who immediately withdrew his forces from the towers and hastened with as many men as he could muster to help the Crusaders. The Emperor brought his troops opposite to the pilgrims. Neither side dared to begin the attack. After considerable marching and countermarching the imperial troops commenced to retire. The Crusaders rode slowly after them, but no fighting took place." This movement was watched by the ladies of the palace, who crowded the windows and walls. The results of the general attack had on the whole been and fails. in favour of the defenders. The army of the Crusaders had been beaten back. The Venetians had indeed obtained possession of twenty-five towers, but they had not been able to hold them. The great loss to the citizens was occasioned by the fire lighted by their enemies. 1 Ch. xliii. 2 The account of this sortie given by Robert de Clari represents it as occupying a considerable time and engaging much more attention than the reader of Villehardouin would suppose. Feeling within Constantinople. CHAPTER XIV. FLIGHT OF THE EMPEROR ALEXIS AND RESTORATION OF ISAAC.- THE most useful ally of the invaders was the spirit of indifference and discontent which reigned within the city. While this spirit paralysed the efforts of the defenders, there was probably also a small but active, although secret, party in favour of Isaac and of young Alexis. The latter had made many promises to his friends within the city, and had urged them to assist him.' The dissatisfaction with the ruling Emperor was great, and was doubtless increased by this party. The enemy without had not asked for possession of the city. There was nothing said even about an occupation. All that was demanded was that a young prince, who undoubtedly had claims to the throne if his father were dead, should replace Alexis the Third. There was indeed a payment to be made, though it is doubtful whether the terms of the convention with Alexis were at this time known within the city, and even if they were the payment might perhaps be avoided, or at least levied on the provinces. At any rate, it was better to come to an arrangement with the enemy when his demands were so reasonable than to fight. Moreover, there was now a distinct threat that if an arrangement were not 1 Gunther, xiii.: Cives itaque magnificæ urbis, territi fuga regis sui, quem etiam plerique nec prius propter scelera perpetrata satis dilexerant, simulque per nuntios a juniori Alexio promissis ac precibus frequentibus attentati, nostris quoque, contra spem suam, comminantibus excidium urbis, nisi illum legitimum heredem regni in regem susciperent, patentibus portis, illum cum toto exercitu infra monia pacifice admiserunt.' 2 Nicetas says (p. 721) that the object of the assault was, is TŵV KATÀ σκοπὸν ἐπιτευξόμενοι ἢ τούτων διαπεσόντες ἐς συμβάσεις βλέψοντες· ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἡ φήμη διπταμένη λαμπρῶς ἐκώτιλλεν. inhabitants made Alexis the Third made the city would be destroyed.' Accordingly there was considerable murmuring within the city. The many dynastic troubles within the experience of the them think lightly of a change of rulers. had done nothing to make himself respected. He was now informed that if he did not deliver his subjects from the enemy, they would declare for the younger Alexis, and would make him Emperor.2 In spite, however, of these threats, I am disposed to think from the narrative of Nicetas, who knew better what went on within the city than any of the Western chroniclers, that the great mass of the inhabitants of Constantinople were indifferent rather than hostile to the Emperor. The majority of the inhabitants had long lost all interest in dynastic changes. The experience of the last generation had accustomed them to see one sovereign deposed and another placed on the throne, until they had come to look on depositions or attempts to obtain the throne as matters with which they had little concern. Apathy in regard to political changes very closely resembled that which exists now in Constantinople. I have been present in the city during the deposition of two Sultans. The most striking characteristic in the circumstances attending these depositions was the utter indifference of the great body of the native, and especially of the Moslem, population to the change which was being made. There was a small but active party which took action, but beyond this there was comparatively very little excitement; no resistance, no rioting, no expression of dissatisfaction. When newspaper correspondents and foreigners generally were aware that a revolution was in preparation, it is impossible to believe that thousands of Turks and rayahs were in ignorance of the fact. The general feeling among the Sultan's subjects was one of indifference. If the conspirators failed it would go hardly with them. If they succeeded it would go hardly with the Sultan. That business only regarded the parties concerned. Beyond a vague belief that any change could hardly be followed by a worse 1 Gunther, xiii. 2 Robert de Clari, ch. 1. |