Difficul

Boniface.

No further attempt at negotiation appears to have been made either by the Venetians or the Crusaders. Boniface had failed, and had probably no wish to come to an arrangement ties of when he learned that Alexis was really dead. He could no longer carry out the design of Philip to unite the two Empires. Two courses were open to him: to go with the Crusaders to Egypt or to Palestine, or to throw in his lot with Dandolo. His oath, the wishes of the better portion of his troops, the command of the Pope, the call from the messengers who had come from the Holy Land, urged him in one direction. But to leave Constantinople was to admit himself beaten, and to be submitted to the reproaches of the Crusaders for the failure of the expedition up to the present. The chances of success against the infidels were now far less than they had been. Even supposing that Boniface knew nothing of the treaty between Venice and the Sultan of Egypt, the difficulties before a crusading host were largely increased. The expedition organised with so much care by Innocent had been divided, and all who had taken part in it had up to the present time been unfortunate. The messengers with whom Abbot Martin had arrived told how the Flanders fleet, which had wintered in Marseilles, and which had more Crusaders on board than those who were before Constantinople, had failed in Syria. Great numbers had been stricken down with country fever and had died. The rest had returned home. They related also how those who had gone to Prince Bohemund in Antioch, who was fighting for the Armenians against the Turks, had been slaughtered or captured to a man.

The Venetians, moreover, were not yet paid, and would never consent to transport the army. It would be necessary, if Boniface wished to lead his army against the infidels, either to pay the Venetians or to fight them. To do the one was impossible. To do the other was inexpedient. If the Crusaders defeated Dandolo, his army would be at the mercy of the Greeks. If Dandolo should succeed, he was equally ruined. The Crusaders at least were between the hammer and the anvil.

and indeed is likely enough, if Gunther's story is true that the Emperor had tried to decoy the leaders into the city.

Advan

tages of

Dandolo.

The second course, on the other hand, to throw in his lot acting with with Dandolo, offered innumerable advantages. The richest city in the world was before them. Its inhabitants were divided. Its defences had already been proved to be vulnerable. Its soldiers had shown themselves less valiant than his own host. The Crusaders and Venetians alike would fight heartily in order to have the looting of such undreamt-of wealth as they had already seen. The disaffected in the army, who were uninfluenced by the bait of plunder, could be brought over under the plea that the dearest object of Innocent, after the defeat of the miscreants, was the union of the two Churches, and that in attacking the Greeks they were punishing them generally for their schism, and specially for their share in the deposition of their lawful ruler. The temptation of plunder, added to the excuse that they were in the path of duty and of obedience, would overcome the most scrupulous. And then, the greatest inducement of all to Boniface presented itself. If the city were captured a new Emperor would have to be chosen. Who so certain of success as he? He was the chosen leader of the crusading army. Baldwin of Flanders and the other princes of the army had never pretended to dispute his supremacy. He had hitherto carried everything before him. The malcontents at Venice, at Zara, at Corfu, and before the city had been powerless. He had but to triumph once more, and he would be Emperor of the New Rome. He had done his best, as even Philip must admit, for young Alexis. The Swabian king could not blame him if, after all his loyal efforts, he should now fight for himself. The prospect was too dazzling to admit of indecision. He threw in his lot heartily with Dandolo and declared for the siege.

An attack is decided

on.

In conformity with the practice followed throughout the expedition it became necessary to assemble a parliament to decide on the next step. This met probably in the early days of March. We have no information as to what went on in reference to the proposal to attack the city. What is certain is that the parliament agreed to it. We know also that the meeting was long and stormy. On y parla assez, en avant et en arrière,' says the Marshal. The result arrived at confirms

the natural presumption that there were two, and probably even three, parties. The interest of the Crusaders was opposed to that of the Venetians. But the Crusaders were still, as they had always been, divided. The malcontents who had been opposed to the expedition to Constantinople distrusted and were disgusted with Boniface, and, though they were not able to have their own way, were sufficiently powerful at least to thwart his plans. It was decided that if the city were taken six Venetians and six Crusaders should be elected to form a committee to choose an Emperor. A proviso was, however, added that all the twelve delegates should solemnly swear on holy relics that they would elect the candidate whom they believed to be the best in the interest of the world. The other provisions show that the parties were pretty equally balanced. It was agreed that if a Frank 2 should be elected Emperor the Patriarch should be chosen by the Venetians, and vice versa. The Emperor was to receive onefourth of all that should be captured within the city and throughout the Empire, together with the two imperial palaces of Blachern and the Lion's Mouth. The remaining three-fourths were to be divided equally between the Venetians and the Crusaders. The gold and silver, the cloth, the silk, and all the rest of the booty captured were to be abandoned to the host, and to be collected together for the sake of a fair division. When this should have been accomplished a new committee of twenty-four, chosen by the Venetians and the Crusaders, was to be named to divide the Empire into fiefs, and to define the feudal service which the holders should render to the new Emperor. It was further resolved that no one should lay hands on priest or monk nor plunder the churches or monasteries. The division of the spoils of the Empire, including the carving out of the fiefs, was to be finished within a year, and therefore to be completed before the end of March 1205. After the capture of

1 Robert de Clari says twenty were chosen, ten from each (clxviii.).

2 The term Franchois' is used by all the contemporary writers to designate Frenchmen, Flemings, Germans, and Burgundians. The term 'Frank,' which is still used in the Balkan peninsula, in much the same sense, is therefore a convenient one.

Decision as

to division

of spoil if

city were

captured.

the city all were to be free to leave it who wished to do so up to that date. After it, however, all who remained were to be bound to accept the suzerainty of the Emperor.'

The bear's skin having thus been divided, it only remained to capture the bear.

The Crusaders and Venetians had been pressing on their works for the attack upon the city with all their might. Rewards were offered to those whose scaling ladders and covered gangways, to be thrown out from the ships' cross-trees to the walls, were first ready. The machines were prepared for hurling stones. Battering-rams, balistæ, mangonels, and all the engines known to the military science of the time for attacking a walled city were got ready. There was no longer any question of leaving for the Holy Land. The lust of gain had fallen upon the whole of the army, and while they were making preparations for the attack they were already planning out the best course for a division of the spoil.

The agreement is given in Tafel and Thomas, pp. 444 and 452; Villehardouin, pp. 234-5; Rhamnusius, iii.; Innocent, Gesta, p. 90.

339

CHAPTER XV.

THE ASSAULT, CAPTURE, AND PLUNDER OF THE CITY.

THE preparations which the leaders had been pushing on during several weeks were completed by the 8th of April, and that day was chosen for an assault upon the city. A noteworthy change of plan had been made from that which had been acted upon nine months before. Instead of attacking simultaneously a portion of the harbour walls and a portion of the landward walls, Venetians and Crusaders alike directed their efforts against the defences on the side of the harbour. The horses were embarked once more in the huissiers. The line of battle was drawn up; the huissiers and galleys in front, the transports a little behind, and alternating between the huissiers and the galleys. The whole length of the line of battle was upwards of half a league, and stretched from the Blachern to beyond the Petrion.2 The Emperor's vermilion tent had been pitched on the hill just beyond the district of the Petrion, where he could see the ships when they came immediately under the walls. Before him was the

1 Robert de Clari says it was a league long (lxx.)— -a statement which cannot

be true.

2 The Petrion, which is repeatedly mentioned by contemporary writers, was a district built on the slope of a hill running parallel to the Golden Horn for about one-third of the length of the harbour walls eastwards from Blachern. It had apparently been a neglected spot during the early centuries of the history of Constantinople, but had lately come to be the residence of numerous hermits, and the site of several monasteries and convents. A great part is now occupied by the Jewish colony of Balata.-Du Cange, Cons. Ch. Dr. Mordtmann, of Constantinople, has carefully examined the question, and has published the result of his inquiry in Constantinople. Nicetas says that the ships reached from Blachern to the monastery of Everyetis. This monastery was near, and below the present mosque of Sultan Selim.

Prepara

tions for the

attack.