Lands, Goods, Horse, Armor, any thing I haue, Is his to vse, so Somerset may die. 22 52 Though many months had elapsed since York's return from Ireland in September, 1450, Somerset's control of the state was undiminished. York therefore determined to effect a change by force, and soon after February 3, 1452,1 whethästed. Yorke raiseth The duke of a power, for his right to recouerie of the crowne. [Hol. iii. 637/2/5. Halle, 225.] he assembled a great hoast, to the number of ten thousand able men, in the marches of Wales; publishing openlie, that the cause of this his gathering of people was for the publike wealth of the realme. The king, much astonied at the matter, by aduise of his councell raised a great power, and marched forward toward the duke. But he, being thereof aduertised, turned out of that way, which by espials he vnderstood that the king held, and made streight toward London; and, hauing knowledge that he might not be suffered to passe through the citie, he crossed ouer the Thames at Kingston bridge, and so kept on towards Kent, where he knew that he had both freends & wellwillers, and there on Burnt heath, a mile from Dertford, and [York twelue miles from London, he imbatelled, and incamped himselfe near verie stronglie, inuironing his field with artillerie and trenches. The king hereof aduertised, brought his armie with all diligence vnto Blackeheath, and there pight his tents. Whilest both these armies laie thus imbattelled, the king sent the bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Bourchier, bishop of Elie, Richard Wooduile, lord Riuers, and Richard Andrew, the keeper of his priuie seale, to the duke: both to know the cause of so great a commotion, and also to make a concord; if the requests of the duke and his companie seemed consonant to reason. The duke, hearing the message of the bishops, answered: that his comming was neither to damnifie the king in honour, nor in person, neither yet anie good man; but his intent was, to remooue from him 1 A letter from York, addressed to the Bailiffs, Burgesses, and Commons of Shrewsbury, and written at Ludlow Castle on February 3, 1452, contains these words: "I signify unto you that . . . I, after long sufferance and delays, [though it be] not my will or intent to displease my sovereign Lord, seeing that the said Duke [of Somerset] ever prevaileth and ruleth about the King's person, that by this means the land is likely to be destroyed, am fully concluded to proceed in all haste against him, with the help of my kinsmen and friends";. . .—Ellis, I. i. 12, 13. embattled Dartford, Henry at Blackheath.] sted. Whetham[Henry sent to ask the York's an embassy cause of appearance in arms.] The dukes answer to the kings mesage. [York offered to disband his army if Somerset were committed to ward.] [Somerset committed to ward.] [York's army dissolved.] [Somerset released by certeine euill disposed persons of his councell, bloud-succours of the nobilitie, pollers of the cleargie, and oppressours of the poore people. Amongst these, he cheeflie named Edmund duke of Summerset, whome if the king would commit to ward, to answer such articles as against him in open parlement should be both proponed and proued, he promised not onelie to dissolue his armie, but also offered himselfe (like an obedient subiect) to come to the kings presence, and to doo him true and faithfull seruice, aecording to his loiall and bounden dutie. Henry apparently accepted this condition, and [Hol. iii. 639/1/23. Halle, 226.] it was so agreed vpon by aduise, for the auoiding of bloudshed, and pacifieng of the duke and his people, that the duke of Summerset was committed to ward, as some say; or else commanded to keepe himselfe priuie in his owne house for a time. Satisfied with the result he had obtained, [Hol. iii. 639/1/46. Halle, 226.] the duke of Yorke, the first of March, dissolued his armie, [and] brake vp his campe, His embassy having been successful, Buckingham says (ll. 54, 55): We twaine will go into his Highnesse Tent. Henry then enters and receives York's excuse, but shortly afterwards Somerset comes forward with Queen Margaret. Her responsibility for Somerset's liberation in 1455 is asserted by Fabyan (628), from whom we learn that all contrary the Kynges promyse, by meanys of the Quene,1 which the Queen.] than bare ye cure & charge of the Lande, the Duke of somerset 1 In December, 1453, Somerset was "sent to the Tower of London"; Henry being then in a state of mental imbecility. "But, when the king was amended againe [Christmas, 1454.-Paston, i. 315], and resumed to him his former gouernement, either of his owne mind, or by the queenes procurement, the duke of Summerset was set at libertie; by which doing great enuie and displeasure grew."-Hol. iii. 642/1/19, 41. Halle, 232. (Comparison of Rot. Parl., v. 248/2, Rymer, xi. 361, 362, and Wyrc., 477, shows that Somerset was sent to the Tower in 1453, not in 1454; the date under which this proceeding is recorded by Halle and Hol.) Somerset was in the Tower for more than a year and ten weeks prior to Feb. 7, 1455.-Rymer, xi. 362. was set at large, and had as great rule about the Kyng as he before dayes had; . . . Enraged at this treachery, York unbosoms himself (1. 87, &c.): How now! is Somerset at libertie? . . . False King! why hast thou broken faith with me, 92 And with the same to acte controlling Lawes : 104 Somerset exclaims (11. 106, 107): O monstrous Traitor! I arrest thee, Yorke, Of Capitall Treason 'gainst the King and Crowne : [Hol. iii. 639/1/47. Halle, 226.] came to the kings tent, where contrarie to his expectation, & against promise made by the king (as other write) he found the duke of Summerset going at large and set at libertie, whome the duke of Yorke boldlie accused of treason, briberie, oppression, and manie other crimes. The duke of Summerset not onelie made answer to the dukes obiections, but also accused him of high treason; affirming, that he with his fautors and complices had consulted togither, how to come by the scepter and regall crowne of this realme. Threatened with arrest by Somerset, York turns to an attendant and says (11. 111-113): Sirrah, call in my sonne[s] to be my bale: I know, ere they will haue me go to Ward, They'l pawne their swords for 1 my infranchisement. The message quickly brings Edward and Richard Plantagenet to their father's assistance. The historical Richard was unborn at the date (March 1)2 of this part of sc. i., Act V.; but there is warrant for Edward's intervention on York's behalf. York found himself a prisoner when his army was disbanded, and, even if his life were not imperilled, he ran some risk of a long and close detention. He was obliged to return with Henry to London, where the government held debate as to what should he done with their formidable captive.3 1 for] F2. of F1. 2 Richard was born on October 2, 1452.—Wyrc., 477. Edward was born in April, 1442.—Wyrc., 462. 1452 [A rumour that Edward Earl of March was [Hol. iii. 639/2/17. Halle, 227.] Whilest the councell treated of sauing or dispatching of this duke of Yorke, a rumor sprang through London, that Edward earle of March, sonne and heire coming with apparant to the said duke, with a great armie of Marchmen, was comming toward London: which tidings sore appalled the queene and the whole councell. an army to London.] The duke of York therefore was set free, after taking an oath of allegiance to Henry.1 In the play York has a more commanding position. His part is taken by his "two braue Beares," Salisbury and Warwick, whom he calls for when Margaret's summons brings the Cliffords to Henry's aid. A sketch of York's policy in the year 1454 records his leaning toward the Nevilles : [Hol. iii. 641/2/56. Halle, 231.] The duke of Yorke (aboue the destructio all things) first sought means how to stir vp the malice of the of the duke of Summerset. He banded himselfe with the Neuils. people against the duke of Summerset; imagining that, he being made awaie, his purpose should the sooner take effect. He also practised to bring the king into the hatred of the people, as that he should not be a man apt to the gouernment of a realme, wanting both wit and stomach sufficient to supplie such a roome. Manie of the high estates, not liking the world, and disalowing the dooings both of the king and his councell, were faine inough of some alteration. Which thing the duke well vnderstanding, chiefelie sought the fauour of the two Neuils; both named Richard, one earle of Salisburie, the other earle of Warwike, the first being the father, and the second the sonne. When the Nevilles enter (1. 147), old Clifford tauntingly asks York, "Are these thy Beares?" In an altercation with Clifford, Warwick exclaims (11. 202, 203): Now, by my Fathers badge, old Neuils Crest, ... Warwick assumed, but did not inherit, the badge of the bear and ragged staff. He acquired a claim to it through his marriage with Anne de Beauchamp, sister of Henry de Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick (see p. 245, n. 1 above). Act V. scc. ii., iii.-The first battle of St. Albans-fought on May 1 The oath is recited in the Act of Attainder passed against York by a Parliament which met at Coventry on November 20, 1459.-Rot. Parl., v. 346/2. 22, 14551—is dramatized in scenes ii. and iii., Act V. As at Dartford For vnderneath an Ale-house' paltry signe, Hath made the Wizard famous in his death. Halle, speaking of the Lancastrian losses at St. Albans, reported a story (233) which I quote from Holinshed: The duke of Summerset [Hol. iii. 643/2/9. Halle, 233.] For there died vnder the signe of the castell, Edmund duke of Summerset, who (as hath slaine. beene reported) was warned long before to auoid all castels : 3 XI. HENRY VI. PART III. BETWEEN The third Part of Henry the Sixt,-a recast of The true Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the Second part, there is a dramatic interval sufficient for a rapid march from St. Albans to London, after the battle at the former place. But the historic time of the Third Part begins on October 24, 1460,-when York was declared heir apparent, and closes with the death of Henry VI. on May 21, 1471. Act I. sc. i.-The Yorkists enter and boast of their victory. "Lord 1 Paston, i. 327. A full account of the battle follows. 2 Among those slain at St. Albans, Stow (661) specifies "the olde Lord Clifforde." ("olde" first appears in the ed. of 1592, p. 651.) Lord Clifford is not, I believe, called "old" in any other chronicle printed before the date of this play; and he is not thus distinguished from his son in the Contention. In 2 Hen. VI. we find "old Clifford" (Entry, IV. viii. 5), and "Old Clif." is prefixed to several speeches in V. i. His son is "young Clifford" in the Contention and 2 Hen. VI. The son's name does not appear in a contemporary list (Paston, i. 332, 333) of the chief persons present at the battle of St. Albans, and I do not know of any book or MS. which records that he was there. 3 "Thys sayde Edmond duke of Somerset had herde a fantastyk prophecy that he shuld dy vndre a castelle; wherefore in as meche as in him was, he lete the kyng that he sholde nat come in the castelle of Wyndsore, dredyng the seyde prophecy; but at Seynt Albonys ther was an hostry hauyng the sygne of a castelle, and before that hostry he was slayne."-Chron. Rich. 11.— Hen. VI., 72. U |