In relation to the president's calling out the militia to sup press the insurrection in the western part of Pennsylvania, Callender says: "Instead of this legal measure, President Washington walked straight through the constitution, through the privileges of the legislature, and the respective duties of his office." Again: "General Washington went to the treasury; some future president may go to the bank-the one step will not be a jot worse than the other." In an other place, he says: "He was at the head of an army for seven years and an half, and was several times beaten-his fame as a conqueror, rests on the capture of nine hundred Hessians." Another instance: "If truth or reason, or the public service had been at all consulted, the house would have begun by asking the executive why, he took from the treasury eleven hundred thousand dollars, without their leave, and in contempt of the constitution?"

In another book, the same hireling proceeds: "He (Wash ington) could not have committed a more pure and net violation of his oath, or a grosser personal insult on the representa tives." In another place he says: "By his own account Mr. Washington, was twice a traitor--he first renounced the king of England, and thereafter the old confederation. His farewell paper contains a variety of mischievous sentiments." Of President Adams, he says--"Mr. Adams, has only completed the scene of ignominy, which Mr. Washington had begun." In another part of the work, he calls President Adams, a "HOARY

Besides innumerable instances, even more vulgarly abusive, from other pens, affecting both presidents, and congress; as well as its branches, separately.

These instances, may suffice to shew, the propriety of the law in question; not to notice the letter to Mazzei, and other writings of the leaders of the party, and patrons, of Callender, and other libellers. The letter just named, made its appear ance in the United States, 1797, or early in 1798. It served President Washington, a like purpose, that the telescope of Herschell, serves modern philosophers, to discover regions hitherto concealed, dark, and unknown. While the one, ena

bles the curious to explore the distant recesses of the empyrean, for new orbs; the other, conducted, though unwillingly, the perception of Washington, to a full discovery of the duplicity which had been concealed in the bosom of its author, in relation to himself. From that time, he was never heard to say, "that Mr. Jefferson, had given him no cause to doubt his sincerity."

This history, which aims at the delineation of public, not private character, might be thought deficient, in observation, or in justice to Kentucky, were it to omit noticing that she exhibited great sensibility towards the liberty of speech, and of the press: making by parts, and by the whole, many patriotic resolutions on the occasion.

The governor, in communications to the legislature, notices these subjects, in the following terms; alluding to the sedition law, he says, "which by fencing round the different branches of government in their official capacity, with penal terrors in a manner before unknown, hath created a new crime against the United States, in a case where an interference on the part of the legislature, was rendered unconstitutional, by that clause which forbids the enacting of any law, abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press." That common people should mistake, misapply, or pervert the constitution, when the governor, sets, or sanctions the example, is not to be made a subject of wonder; nor hardly of remark. Here it is seen that an act of congress which relates expressly to writing, thereby excluding mere verbal speech-and which prohibits the publi cation of malicious falsehoods only-admitting the publication of truth, however it may operate against the subject of it, stigmatized as being unconstitutional, and void; because the constitution had provided for "the freedom of speech, and of the press. When in truth, and in fact, there is not any repugnance, between the law, and the constitution: unless writing, be speaking; and the press, may publish what slander, the editor pleases-and that these are rights secured by the constitution. But except it is under the influence of a blind, and devoted party spirit, in which misrepresentation, and defama

tion is adopted as an essential part of the system; it is surely impossible for candid men to admit the construction assumed by the governor. Even if the act affected "speaking," without "writing," which it does not; is there a man on earth who pretends to any truth, and discernment, who would say, that the constitution protects lying and slandering, by SPEECH? Or that it secures indemnity to the owner of a press, under the term, freedom of the press, to defame, and libel, whom he chooses to select for the purpose? It seems incredible. And yet such things were frequently seen; and continue to be practised.

The resolutions, reverberate and amplify the ideas of the governor--they were approved by the legislature--and continued to protract the agitation of which the governor had made report, as alread; noticed: while the newspapers, teemed with the froth and scum of the boiling pot. It is a remarkable fact, that the same party, and kind of people, from whence sprang the present relief, and judge breaking majority, were in the case of these acts of congress, great sticklers for the constitution, and for an independent judiciary.

Notwithstanding the length of these remarks, they are yet to be extended to the governor's observations on the expected war with France. "A war," says he, "horrible in its nature, and ruinous in its consequences, hangs over us: a war by which we cannot possibly gain any advantages-but may lose every thing that is valued by freemen:--and if by our united exertions, and the favour of a kind Providence, we may be so fortunate as to maintain our independence; it will be at all events at an expense under which we and our posterity must groan; and in consequence of which we may be rendered unable to encounter hereafter more formidable evils than any with which we are at present threatened."

Presently he adds, that reports had gone abroad highly unfavourable to the political character of Kentucky: "That the people were represented, as, if not in a state of insurrection, yet utterly disaffected to the federal government, and determined to afford it no support; and that this commonwealth waits only for an opportunity to withdraw herself from the

union." He expresses a decided conviction of "the falsehood of these aspersions;" and recommends a declaration of attachment to the federal constitution, and a determination to support the government in every measure, "authorized by the commis sion under which it acts."

A cotemporaneous publication, says: "The aristocrats call the meetings of the people on the alien and sedition laws, mobs, and say, the magistrates ought to disperse them."

A feature of the times may be caught from the toasts, and resolutions of popular assemblages: a few, by way of samples, will be inserted.

At a meeting of the officers of three regiments in Lexington, the following toasts were given:

"1. The United States of America.

"2. The western world: perpetual union on principles of equality.

"3. The navigation of the Mississippi at any price but that of liberty.

"4. Harmony with France and Spain, and a reciprocity of good offices.

"5. The congress of the United States: may wisdom, firmness, and a sacred regard to the principles of the constitution govern their proceedings.

"6. Energetic government on democratic principles.

"7. Trial by jury: the liberty of the press: and no standing army.

8. May the atlantic states be just, the western states be free, and all be happy.

"9. The harmony of departed heroes and patriots.

"10. No paper money: no tender laws: and no legislative interference in private contracts.

"11. Thomas Jefferson, and the virtuous minority in congress.

"12. May all men in office remember that they are the ser vants, not the masters of the people.

"13. No alliance offensive and defensive with any foreign power.

"14. Edward Livingston, and Albert Gallatin.

"15. A well-regulated militia, the only proper modle of na tional defence."

The following resolutions are extracted from the proceedings of the officers of the seventh regiment, militia; in Madison county:

"1st. Resolved, That the extension of commerce has been too much an object with congress, and to this cause is to be attributed the present unhappy war with the French republic: a war which does not offer a single rational hope of compensation to those citizens who have been injured by French depredation, nor of reimbursing the expenses which it may

occasion.

"2d. Resolved, That the powers, of raising armies, and of borrowing money, as now vested in the president, appear to us to be dangerous and alarming.

"3d. Resolved, That the bills, called, the alien and sedition bills, are infringements of the constitution, and of natural right; and that we cannot approve or submit to them.

"6th. Resolved, That we are averse to intimate connexions with any foreign power, but more especially with Great Britain: an alliance with that country being impolitic, and inconsistent with the principles of the two governments."

From a number of resolutions entered into by a numerous meeting of the citizens in Lexington, the following are selected, as applicable to the subject under consideration.

"2d. Resolved, That the present war by the United States, against France, is impolitic, unnecessary, and unjust, inasmuch as the means of reconciliation with that nation have not been unremittingly and sincerely pursued: hostilities having been authorized against it by law, while a negotiation was pending.

"3d. Resolved, That a war by the United States against France, will only then be necessary and proper, when engaged in for the defence of their territory; and that to take any part in the present political commotion of Europe, will endanger our liberty and independence. That an intimate connexion with the corrupt and sinking monarchy of Britain, ought to be abhorred, and avoided."