1636-8

CONSTITUTION OF CONNECTICUT.

213

independence of the three townships was recognized by the appointment of constables. In the next year the colony took its first step towards representative government by a meeting of Deputies, or, as they were called, Committees, from the different townships."

A constitution

formally

In January 1638 the three towns formally declared themselves a commonwealth with a constitution of its own." The government of Massachusetts by allowing this may be considered to have abanconstructed doned all claim to exercise sovereignty over the new colony. The settlers on the Connecticut had not withdrawn out of any dissatisfaction or with any craving for political changes, and, as was natural, their constitution was a slightly modified copy of that under which they had lived. In one respect indeed they benefited by the experience of Massachusetts. A system of representation was adopted at once, instead of being slowly worked out through a series of expedients and compromises. The legislature was to consist of a Governor, six Assistants, and Deputies. The Governor and Assistants were to be elected annually by the whole body of freemen, met in a General Court for that purpose. The Deputies were to be elected by the three existing towns, four from each. As fresh towns were formed their number of representatives were to be fixed by the government. The Court was to meet once a year. In one important point the constitution was more liberal than that of Massachusetts. The Governor was the only person from whom church-membership was required. All freemen, that is, all persons who had taken an oath of fidelity to the commonwealth and been admitted by the majority of any township, had the right of voting, both for Deputies and at the General Court of

2 Ib. p. 29.

1 Connecticut Records, vol. i. p. 1. The constitution is in the Records, vol. i. pp. 20-25. It is also given by Trumbull in an Appendix, vol. i. p. 498.

Election. One point deserves special notice. The imposition of taxes was left to the whole legislature. But in the event of any tax being imposed, the adjustment of it among the various towns was left to deputies specially appointed for that end.

In the next year the establishment of a constitution for the colony was supplemented by the confirmation and extension of the rights granted to the

Town

governments.1

townships. Each town was empowered to dispose of its own lands, to make by-laws, and to appoint local officers. It might furthermore nominate a local court of three, five, or seven members. Such courts were authorized to settle civil cases of less than two pounds value, with appeal to the General Court.2 The supreme judicial power was vested in the General Court, but in terms which seem to contemplate the appointment of subordinate courts.

Relations to the Indians.

One effect of the new settlement was to bring the English for the first time into serious conflict with the natives. The Tarentines indeed, a tribe beyond the northern frontier, had at least once terrified the settlers by an inroad. The author of the Wonderworking Providence describes the alarm with a characteristic mixture of vigorous language and haziness of detail. But it is clear from Winthrop's passing notice of the matter that it occupied little place in the minds of the colonists.3 The only tribes from whom danger was really to be feared lay to the south-west, and against them as yet the position of Massachusetts had been an effectual safeguard. On the south the colony was covered by Plymouth, while the security which the colonists enjoyed on the northern and inland ' Connecticut Records, vol. i. 3 Winthrop, vol. i. p. 59; Johnson, bk. i. ch. 25. I am not sure whether both refer to the same affair. Winthrop describes an attack on Agawam, Johnson on Lynn. The latter was probably absent from New England at this time (see Mr. Poole's preface, p. lxx.).

pp.

20-25.

2

Ib. p. 36.

1631-3

DEALINGS WITH THE INDIANS.

215

frontiers showed how complete had been the destruction which the plague had wrought among the savages. Moreover the country south and west of Massachusetts was yet further depopulated by small-pox not long after the establishment of the colony. But while the older settlements were thus guarded, the new plantations on the Connecticut formed a sort of outpost projecting into the territory of a powerful and warlike tribe. The position made war almost inevitable. The action of the Plymouth settlers in recognizing the territorial claim of the defeated Mohicans was in itself an offence to the Pequods, and the ill-feeling thus engendered was confirmed in other ways. Fortunately for the English settlers, the country which lay between them and the Pequods was in comparatively friendly hands. Some portion of it was occupied by a remnant of the Mohicans; but the most numerous and powerful tribe that dwelt there was the Narragansetts. They, like the Mohicans, had suffered at the hands of the Pequods.2 Their chief, Canonicus, had, as we have seen, sent a threatening message to Plymouth in the early days of the colony But no actual hostility had followed, and in the summer of 1632 one of their chiefs, Miantonomo, with his wife and twelve of his followers, had been hospitably received at Boston.3

killed

by the

The unauthorized trader, to whom the peace and permanent well-being of the colony are matters of inStone difference, is more often than not the origin of hostilities between settlers and savages, and Pequods. so it was now. While a Virginian ship's-captain named Stone was cruising about the mouth of the Connecticut he was attacked by the Indians, he himself and seven of his men killed, and his vessel burnt. As none

1 Winthrop, vol. i. pp. 119-123; Bradford, p. 203.

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. 148. 'They were now in war with the Narragansetts, whom till this year they had kept under.'

3 lb. p. 86. He was then called Mecumeh.

of the English survived, the details of the quarrel could only be learnt from the savages. According to them Stone had brought the attack upon himself by having seized and bound two of the natives, whom he compelled to pilot him up the river. On the one hand Stone's previous character was so bad that there is no reason to disbelieve this,2 while at the same time it is in some measure discredited by the fact that the Indians at a later day gave a different and inconsistent excuse. Whether the offenders were, strictly speaking, Pequods seems doubtful, and indeed the relations between that race and the English were not a little complicated by remnants of other tribes inhabiting the Pequod territory, but in some measure independent.3

The Massachusetts government seems to have contented itself with reporting the matter to the Governor Negotia- of Virginia, and to have taken no direct steps

tions for

redress. to obtain redress.4

For nearly a year the But in 1634 the Pequods

matter was allowed to rest. became entangled in a quarrel with the government of New Netherlands.5 They could not afford to be on bad terms with both their civilized neighbours at once. Believing, as it would seem, that the English were either ignorant of the attack upon Stone or indifferent to it, the Pequods sent a messenger to Boston to solicit the friendship of the settlers. This seems to have been meant as an informal overture to Ludlow. He had already taken. some part in the exploration of the Connecticut valley,7

The account of Stone's murder, as first reported from Plymouth to Boston, is given by Winthrop (vol. i. p. 123), and by Bradford (p. 203). The explanation first given by the Indians is in Winthrop, vol. i. p. 148. Their later explanation will come before us hereafter.

2 Winthrop (vol. i. pp. 104, 111) and Bradford (p. 203) bear full testimony to Stone's wickedness. 3 Mason, p. 131. 5 Brodhead, vol. i. p. 242.

4 Winthrop, vol. i. p 123.

This embassy and the proceedings that followed are related by Winthrop

(vol. i. pp. 147–149).

7 See Saltonstall's letter, mentioned above.

1631-6

PEQUOD EMBASSY TO BOSTON.

217

and it is not unlikely that he may thus have become known to the Indians. He now exchanged gifts with the messenger, and told him that the Pequod chief must send a formal embassy to the Governor. Accordingly two Pequods were despatched with a present of wampum. They too thought it best to make their first application to Ludlow, who brought them to Boston. The matter was laid before the Assistants, aided, as was usual in serious affairs, by the counsel of some of the ministers. The terms accepted by the Pequods showed how anxious they were to secure the English as allies against the Narragansetts and the Dutch. The leader of the party who had attacked Stone had, they said, been killed by the settlers at New Netherlands, and of the rest all but two had died of the smallpox; they promised however to give up the survivors. Over and above they undertook to pay a large tribute of furs and wampum, and to befriend the English if they should settle on the Connecticut.

News came to Boston next day which in some measure explained the anxiety of the Pequods for peace. A force of two or three hundred Narragansetts was reported to be on foot for the purpose of cutting off the Pequod embassy. The English at once summoned the Narragansetts to appear before them. Two of the chiefs, with about twenty of their men, obeyed the summons. By the good offices of the English peace was preserved, and the representatives of the two tribes were sent home satisfied.

The

Nearly two years elapsed and the Pequods showed no intention of carrying out their promises. The murderers were not given up, and the residue of the tribute was withheld on the plea that the elders of the tribe had not assented to the payment. Fresh outrages too had been committed on the outlying English settlements in the Connecticut

Pequods commit further

outrages.