tion of all this disquietude was afterwards made clear. The foreign relations of India beyond the north-west frontier had been troubled by Russian pressure in Afghanistan." We give this explanation as it was given: whether it was made as clear to others as the Times, that Russian pressure, and not English imperialism, was the cause of disquiet we must be allowed to doubt. "The European crisis, meanwhile "—and on this point there can only be a glad accord between us-" drew from our colonial fellow-subjects in every part of the world expressions of sympathy with the mother country and even offers of material aid. In Canada, where Lord Dufferin had encouraged the growth of a high spirit of Imperial pride, these proofs of loyalty were most conspicuous. They were the most remarkable because the Dominion was at the time on the eve of a pitched battle between domestic parties, which in September resulted in the defeat of the Mackenzie Ministry and the return of a large Parliamentary majority in support of Sir John A. Macdonald and his policy of protection to native industry. Before the change of Ministry rendered necessary by the elections took place it had been announced that the Marquis of Lorne was selected as Lord Dufferin's successor in the Governor-Generalship. The Canadians, though they regretted the departure of the latter, were well pleased at the prospect of having one of the Queen's daughters at the head of their colonial society. The reception of the Governor-General and the Princess displayed an abounding enthusiasm, and the appointment seems to have drawn the Dominion closer to the mother country. In South Africa the prospect is less satisfactory. At the beginning of the year it was supposed that the Galeka rising in Caffraria had been suppressed; but the Gaikas rose immediately afterwards, and other troubles broke out, which prolonged the border warfare for many months. Sir Bartle Frere's energetic policy was hampered by his Ministry, who claimed an independent control of the war that could not be granted consistently with the public safety. They were accordingly dismissed, and a new Cabinet was formed, which, with the aid of the Imperial troops, had restored tranquillity in Caffraria by the end of July. But the services of the troops were found to be at once and urgently required in Natal and the Transvaal, where the Zulu King had for some time been threatening hostilities, and where one of his vassals was actually defying the British rule in arms. Lord Chelmsford, who was in command of the Queen's forces, found the situation so serious that he called for reinforcements from home. These have now been despatched, but as the year closes it is not known whether peace with the Zulus will be preserved or not, or whether our forces in South Africa are strong enough to control all the elements of disorder. In Australasia there has been material progress, and most of the colonies have been applying for loans; but the prevalent distrust in the money market at home has not been favourable to such demands, while the political turmoil in Victoria has unfairly

prejudiced other and steadier communities. Another Victorian dead-lock' was causing embarrassment early in the year; the Legislative Council had rejected the Appropriation Bill, and Mr. Berry's Ministry, supported by the Assembly, had dismissed important classes of officials with a view to coercing or punishing the opposite party. A compromise was afterwards arranged, but during the autumn discussions upon schemes of constitutional amendment have led to other conflicts between the Legislative Chambers. At the present moment a truce is maintained, while both parties are preparing to invoke the intervention of the Imperial Parliament."

As we transcribe these words, the allusion to South Africa has assumed a painful importance. First-it would so far seemthe Governor-General of India, and then our representative in South Africa, caught the infection of "Imperialism." For an explanation of that word we must refer to Lord Carnarvon's speech; for its appropriateness to the policy of Lord Beaconsfield, to Lord Salisbury himself. It is the part of honest conviction to change its opinions upon evidence; and we hope to be able to change ours; but from the story of the past year as we are able to understand it from the acts and arguments of either side, we can only now believe that History will record its final judgment on the whole policy of the day-retrograde as it appears to us in the worst sense, all questions of political creed apart-by every primary rule of Right and Honour, in the language of stern and scornful condemnation.

FOREIGN HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE.

The Position of France-The Revue des Deux Mondes.-The Limoges Incident--Municipal Elections-The Chambers-Press Amnesty Bill-Republican Successes-M. Gambetta at Belleville-Scene in the Chamber-State of Siege Bill-State Purchase of Railways-Other Bills and New Elections-The Journal des Débats on the Treaty of San Stefano-Opening of the Exhibition -Voltaire Centenary-The Concordat of 1801-Reactionaries in the SenateM. Waddington on the Congress of Berlin-Great Review-Funeral of the King of Hanover-Hoche Banquet-Trial of the Marquis d'Allen-Fêtes of the 30th June-Further Elections-Rousseau Centenary-The Treaty of Berlin and Anglo-Turkish Convention-M. de Freycinet's Railway SchemeM. de Marcére-M. Paul de Cassagnac-Thiers' Funeral Service-Harbour Fêtes at Boulogne-M. Gambetta in the South-His speech at Romans-The Habeneck Incident-Proposed Socialist Congress-Clerical Replies to M. Gambetta-Senatorial Elections Fixed-Death of Mgr. Dupanloup--Egyptian Affairs-Closing of the Exhibition-Meeting of the Chambers-Election Enquiries-Duel between MM. Gambetta and de Fourtou-M. Waddington on French Foreign Policy-Last Difficulty in the Chamber--M. Gambetta on the Situation-Great Free-Trade Demonstration.

WE take up the thread of the French story where it was left last year, the peaceful victory of the Republicans complete, and the Senate alone preserving a certain Conservative majority until the new elections, anticipated on all sides with eager interest. Very different from the history which we have to record at home, is the quiet and prosperous record of the country which for so many years seemed the permanent cause of European disturbance. England and France appear for the time to have changed places in turbulence and unquietness on questions of foreign politics, and in honest domestic work at home, with the blessing which rests upon it. At the Berlin Congress France had the high opportunity of playing the part of mediator without any personal self-seeking; and she played it well. Writing in the Revue des Deux Mondes, some months afterwards, M. Charles de Mazade could say: "She is assuredly the first of peaceful powers: she has made impartial neutrality her law, limiting her own demands to the respect of her most elementary interests. No, indeed: France is no longer the universal troubler of the feast,' as her worst enemies must admit; she threatens nobody with her whims of predominance or with her excitabilities." "We fail to see, though," adds the writer in a passage well worth quoting, "that Europe is the better for it.

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We fail to see that treaties are more prosperous, that there is more equity in national relations, or in the acts of cabinets; that Peace is more assured, or Right less at the mercy of the audacities of Might. Never-to speak frankly-have relations been more precarious, conventions less sure, or the future less secured by a general assent of Law. The public law of Europe is the secret of the omnipotent wills which to-day battle for influence, and either do or will disagree." It is curious to see the same writer speaking of England a few pages later in the same article, in the following tone. Read alone, the extract may serve as a good example of that support of "foreign opinion" which the ministry of Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury claims for its performances; read side by side with that we have just quoted, as a good test of the value of it: "England is interested (in the success of the treaty of Berlin) because in all this business she has gained material advantages. An increase of naval influence, a reviving diplomatic authority. The English ministry lives on the successes which the policy of Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury has won for it, and at the approach of the Session (1879) the Opposition itself shows a certain hesitation. . . . . The ministers have flattered the national sentiment, and succeeded in restoring to England a position which it is long since she has held." M. de Mazade is an able and honest writer. How does he reconcile his praise of the new attitude of France with his approval of the new position of England? Is it that the perplexities of our neighbours have in them, as the proverb says of the misfortunes of friends, something not altogether disagreeable to us?

All the Ministers breakfasted with the Marshal on New Year's Day. According to the Temps the Marshal remarked to them, "This fine day, gentlemen, is a happy augury for the year just opened. I hope it will pass over calmly and peacefully, without renewing any of the difficulties of that which has just terminated.”

Some two or three days before Marshal MacMahon submitted to the national will, and whilst France-alarmed by the obstinacy of the President-was in daily apprehension of some appeal to force, General De Bressolles, commanding the 12th Army Corps, addressed a very remarkable speech to the officers of an infantry regiment stationed at Limoges, but under orders to proceed to Paris.

The general stated that the troops would be required to suppress popular tumult, and he instructed the officers that in case the insurgents should place women and children in their front line this expedient should not deter them from ordering their soldiers to fire upon them. Major Labordère, one of the officers who were present, thereupon declared that what was meditated was a crime, and that he would be no party to its commission. The major was put under arrest; a report of what had occurred was made to the Ministry of War; and as the incident had taken place in the presence of a large number of individuals, its attendant circum

stances were in the course of a day or two known to all France. Before any action could be taken by the Government the Rochebouet Cabinet fell, and M. Dufaure formed a ministry. On the latter consequently devolved the task of dealing with a matter as to which the public naturally insisted that there should be a thorough investigation. An inquiry was held, and the Minister of War at its conclusion relieved General Bressolles of his command, and placed him on the unattached list, and cashiered Major Labordère. A telegram from Bordeaux stated that General de Rochebouet, Minister of War in the late Cabinet, received the mayor of that town on January 2, and is said to have informed him in the course of conversation that the reports published relative to the above affair were not to be taken seriously. The orders given were simply repetitions of those issued by his predecessors in office to provide for the contingency of some disturbances occurring, and were, moreover, purely defensive. The general is said to have declared that he would never allow himself to be drawn into attempting any acts of force, adding: "I thought no more than you of executing a coup d'état, either for the Bonapartists (you know my opinion of them) or for any other party. Neither the Marshal nor his Cabinet ever contemplated a coup d'état; on the contrary, the Cabinet advised the Marshal to form a Ministry from members of the parliamentary majority."

An official note was further published stating that the movement of troops ordered during the late political crisis was a measure such as is always adopted at similar times for the preservation of public order in the principal cities, but that at Limoges the orders were wrongly interpreted and explained by the officer in command, thus leading to the breach of discipline committed.

The municipal elections now turned out so favourably for the Republicans, as to make it evident that with every fresh struggle the resolve of France to rid herself finally of the reactionary party of the last few months was deep and steady. The Republicans gained municipal ground in a great many Departments, and lost ground in none. Thus at Gap, where the Republicans had previously held but one seat out of twenty-three, they now gained twelve; and at Aumony they displaced all Conservatives, who previously had the majority. At Orleans twenty-seven Republicans were elected, while for the other five seats they still had a chance, as second ballots were required.

The Chamber of Deputies met on Tuesday, Jan. 8, and M. Paul de Cassagnac made a disturbance, as usual, starting up during the address of the ad interim President, who had referred to the cruel "law of public safety" established under the "detestable " régime of Louis Napoleon, and remarking,-" It is your Republic which is ignoble." M. d'Audiffret Pasquier was re-elected President of the Senate, and M. Grévy of the Chamber of Deputies. M. Léon Renault, in assuming the Presidency of the Left Centre, delivered an address in which he said he did not regret May 16, as it had shown