vertising, the large hop growers secure white laborers in very large numbers from the cities. One difficulty in the case of the orchardists and other small growers has been that they could not well secure this labor when they and it were both without organization and they could not guarantee enough work to make it attractive. In southern California, however, in several instances, the packing houses and the citrus-fruit associations have "crews" of white pickers who are sent to the ranches where needed for harvest work. În some other industries, as in the deciduous fruit industry, where the fruit is shipped "green," a similar organization is possible, or the matter might be taken care of by the shippers. In fact, some shippers now pack the fruit consigned to them. It would be possible to extend this system and maintain "gangs" of pickers and packers and send them to the places where needed. Mexicans, German-Russians, and other white races can be used more extensively in the hand work in the beet fields until such time as the lands are subdivided and the growing of beets takes its place in diversified farming-a condition which obtains at Lehi, Utah, where the families of American, English, and other farmers, with the assistance of regular farm laborers, do the work in the fields.

A greater diversity of crops and of industries in the community can be developed, so as more nearly to equalize the demand for labor and to provide fairly regular employment for laborers where it is not now to be found. With a diminishing number of Asiatic laborers there will be a tendency to subdivide the large vineyards and vegetable farms which have been conducted here and there as "estates or by corporations. This would induce a settlement of families upon small farms, the members of the families would do most of the work, and this would go far toward solving the problem of labor, for smaller holdings would naturally be accompanied by a greater diversity of crops. A development of this kind, and a decreasing number of Asiatics, will increase the influx of families from the East and Middle West, which there can be no doubt has been retarded by the presence of the Asiatics. Finally, a larger influx of laborers and families, especially of the Italians and Portuguese, should follow the completion of the Panama Canal.

It is not evident that there is any need for Asiatic laborers as against laborers of other races, which can not be met indefinitely by those now in the country. There is need, however, for a much larger population, who will settle in the western country, exploit its resources more fully, and develop the communities along normal lines. The presence of Asiatics has in some localities prevented the influx. of other races. It should be added, moreover, that the problem of labor does not stand alone. Without restrictions out of harmony with the policy to extend equal privileges to all within the country and without restrictions of such a character that they would give rise to difficult political and administrative problems the tenantry and ownership of land, the personnel of the business class, and the local institutions are determined largely by the race or races which become dominant in the labor supply.

PART II.-THE JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN THE PRINCIPAL CITIES OF THE PACIFIC COAST AND ROCKY MOUNTAIN STATES.

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PART II.-THE JAPANESE IN CITY EMPLOYMENTS AND BUSINESS IN THE PRINCIPAL CITIES OF THE PACIFIC COAST AND ROCKY MOUNTAIN STATES.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

The agents of the Commission made an investigation of the occupations, business, and social life of the Japanese in several cities in the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States. The investigation in San Francisco was made between November, 1908, and May, 1909; in the other localities between March, 1909, and the 1st of July of the same year. In Seattle, San Francisco, Sacramento, Los Angeles, Fresno, and Watsonville, the general investigation was supplemented by the taking of schedules. Family schedules were taken for wage-earners and business men and their families. Business schedules also were taken for Japanese and some of the competing establishments conducted by white men, and individual schedules were obtained from their employees wherever possible, as in the industrial investigations. From the family schedules data were obtained for 887 foreign-born male Japanese, 232 foreign-born female Japanese, and 66 males and 80 females native-born of Japanese foreign-born father, residing in the 6 cities mentioned above. Business schedules were obtained for 92 Japanese establishments in Los Angeles, 91 in San Francisco, 86 in Seattle, 55 in Sacramento, 21 in Fresno, and 19 in Watsonville, while in the first 4 of the cities mentioned a smaller number of schedules were taken for white business establishments in trades where Japanese competition was asserted to work injury to white competitors.

This business schedule among other things contained inquiries concerning the kind of business conducted in the given establishment, the date at which it was started, the approximate amount of capital employed in it, the amount of the capital borrowed (including the cost of goods in stock but unpaid for), the approximate value of annual transactions, the annual rental value of the property occupied, the occupations, races, sex, and wages of employees, and the number of hours worked per day and per week, the percentage of patronage by white and by oriental races, and, if in mercantile trade, the proportions of oriental and other goods dealt in. In the case of the Japanese this schedule was employed as a supplement to the family schedule taken, which contained inquiries relating to family income, property, and other matters, affording possibilities of checking some of the entries in the business schedule.

The data obtained in this way are presented in a number of special reports, while the more significant facts are incorporated in Chapter V of the "General report on Japanese immigrants in the United