of a successor. Some of the younger monks of the cathedral assembled at night, and without the knowledge of their seniors, or the King, elected their sub-prior Reginald, a man as indiscreet as themselves, who having sworn as they required, that he would not disclose what they had done without their permission, set off immediately for Rome, to obtain from the Pope a ratification of his appointment. Too vain to keep his own secret, Reginald proclaimed himself for Primate-elect as he went, and the juniors were brought to their senses by resentment: they therefore joined with the superiors, and with the King's approbation, in customary form elected the Bishop of Norwich, who was accordingly invested by John. As, however, it was possible that Reginald might meet with some success at Rome, the King sent a deputation of monks with Elias de Branfield at their head, to represent the case, and obtain the Pontiff's confirmation of the King's choice. A third party also appealed; the suffragan Bishops claimed a concurrent right in the election with the monks; and despatched their agent to Rome. Their claim was decided against them, on the ground of a long-established privilege enjoyed by the monks of Canterbury. When the question between the two elected candidates was examined, it was pleaded on behalf of Reginald that the second election must necessarily be null, as being made before the former had been set aside. It became now a matter of casuistry and angry contention, which Innocent determined by declaring that both claimants had been uncanonically chosen, and therefore both appointments were void. He then signified to the deputies that they might proceed forthwith to elect any qualified person, provided he were a native of England, recommending to their choice, Stephen de Langton, Cardinal of St. Chrysogonus, and formerly Chancellor of the University of Paris. John, thinking it likely that a new election would be advised, had authorized the deputies to make one, but required an oath that they should re-elect the Bishop of Norwich. They represented therefore to Innocent, that they could not defer to his recommendation without the consent of their master; and that to act otherwise would be contrary to the laws and privileges of him and of his kingdom. Innocent replied, that the consent of a King was not thought necessary when an election was made in the presence of the Pope; and he commanded them,

on pain of excommunication, to choose Langton. Elias de Branfield, with proper spirit, refused obedience; the others reluctantly obeyed, and singing Te Deum while they murmured in their hearts, led the Cardinal to the altar.

Pope Innocent III., who thus provoked a dispute with the King of England, was a man of great ability and activity, but haughty and ambitious above all men. The appeal which had been made, recognised his right of confirming or annulling an election, not of making one. Having taken this unwarrantable step, he sent the King a present of four rings, accompanied by two letters. The first was complimentary, and explained the allegorical import of the gift, entreating him rather to regard its mystery than its value; the rings in their round form, typified eternity; constancy, in their square number: their stones also were significant; the emerald denoted faith, the sapphire hope, the garnet charity, and the topaz good works. One was wanting which should have read a lesson of patience; for the second letter required him to receive Langton as the elected and consecrated Primate.

The best cause may be rendered unjust and odious, if it be pursued by violent and iniquitous means. John had a valid reason for objecting to Langton's elevation, because having been bred and beneficed in France, his French connexions and attachments might prove injurious to the interest of England, and of the King's foreign dominions. The Pope's assumption of power also would have been regarded in its true light by the clergy as well as the Barons, if it had been resisted with calmness and dignity. But John was one of those men in whom base motives predominate, whatever part they may take. Rapine was the first thing he thought of in his anger; an armed force was sent to expel the monks of Canterbury from the kingdom, or set fire to the convent, if they refused to leave it; and he seized the whole of their effects. Then he wrote a letter to the Pope, which, if it had not been accompanied by the news of this rapacious injustice, was such as became a King of England. It stated his determination to support the rights of his crown, and to cut off all correspondence with Rome, and all remittances of money from this kingdom thereto, if the Pope persisted in the obnoxious measure. The clergy of his own dominions he said were of suffi

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cient learning, and he had no need to look to strangers either for advice or judgement. Pope Innocent replied in the true papal style. The Servant of the Servants of God informed the King of England, that in what he had done there was no cause why he should tarry for the King's consent; and that as he had begun, so he would proceed, according to the canonical ordinances, neither inclining to the right hand, nor to the left... "We will for no man's pleasure," said he, " defer the completion of this appointment; neither may we, without stain of honour and danger of conscience. Wherefore, my well-beloved son, seeing we have had respect to your honour above what our privileges and duty required, do you in return study to honour us according to your duty; that thereby you may deserve the more favour both at God's hand, and at ours. For this know of a truth, that in the end, He must prevail unto whom every knee of heavenly, earthly, and infernal creatures doth bow, and whose place, unworthy though I be, I hold on earth. Commit yourself, therefore, to our pleasure, which will be to your praise and glory; and imagine not, that it would be for your safety to resist God and the Church, in a cause for which the glorious martyr Thomas hath lately shed his blood."

The Bishops of London, Ely, and Worcester were now charged to lay the kingdom under an interdict, unless the King would admit the Primate, and recall the exiled monks of Canterbury. When they waited upon him and announced the alternative, he swore by God's teeth, that if any one dared interdict his territories, he would send them and all their clergy packing to Rome, and confiscate all their property: and if he found any subjects of the Pope, he would put out their eyes, slit their noses, and in that condition despatch them to his Holiness. They retired trembling from his presence; but after waiting some weeks in hope that some change might take place, in a mind as fickle as it was depraved, they obeyed their spiritual master, pronounced a sentence of interdict, and fled the realm; the Bishops of Bath and Hereford acting with them. Even now, when the ceremonials of worship have been too much abridged, and the public influences of religion grievously lessened by the disuse of all its discipline, and of too many of its forms, . . even now, it may be understood what an effect must have been produced upon the

feelings of the people, when all the rites of a church, whose policy it was to blend its institutions with the whole business of private life, were suddenly suspended; no bell heard, no taper lighted, no service performed, no church open; only baptism was permitted, and confession and the sacrament for the dying. The dead were either interred in unhallowed ground without the presence of a priest or any religious ceremony, or they were kept unburied, till the infliction, which affected every family in its tenderest and holiest feelings, should be removed. Some little mitigation was allowed, lest human nature should have rebelled against so intolerable a tyranny. The people, therefore, were called to prayers and sermon on the Sunday, in the churchyards, and marriages were performed at the church-door.

John, with his characteristic recklessness, cared nothing for all this. Had he proceeded temperately at first, the clergy would have stood by him, as they did by his father, and he might have made an honourable, perhaps a successful, stand against the papal usurpation. But he was incapable of generosity or justice, and the wickedness of his heart corrupted his understanding,if, indeed, he were altogether free from insanity. He seized all the ecclesiastical revenues, imprisoned the relations of the obnoxious prelates, and defied the Pope. But the sentence of excommunication was hanging over him. He would have averted it by admitting Langton now, but the just condition was required that he should refund the ecclesiastical revenues which he had seized, . . . and this was impossible, for the whole had been expended. Prevented thus from an accommodation when he felt it necessary for his safety, by his own improvidence and injustice, he sought to guard against the dreaded effects of a sentence which was not to be averted; and for this end, he exacted hostages from the family of every baron whose fidelity he distrusted, and required his subjects, even children of twelve years old, to renew their oath of homage.

Some years had elapsed in this miserable dispute, when at length the sentence of excommunication was passed, whereby all persons were forbidden to eat, drink, talk, converse, or counsel with King John, or to do him service at bed or board, in church, hall, or stable: he was declared to be deposed from his regal

seat; his subjects were absolved from their allegiance, and the King of France, Philip Augustus, was invited to kill or expel him, and take for his reward the kingdom of England to himself, and his heirs for ever: to which, moreover, a full remission of his sins was added. To aid Philip in this holy war, all adventurers, of all countries, were called upon as to a crusade. These measures were taken at the desire of Langton, and a strong party of the Barons, who seemed to think, that as John had received the crown by election rather than descent, they had a right to depose him and choose another king in his stead. There might, perhaps, have been fair cause for setting him aside as a madman. Had it indeed been known, that the miscreant had actually sent a secret embassy to that powerful chief of the Almoravides, known in Spanish history by the title of the Miramamolin, offering to turn mussulman, and pay him tribute, if the Moor would assist him against the Pope and his own rebellious subjects, it is hardly possible that he could have escaped from the general indignation which would have burst forth.

Philip, who had already dispossessed John of the greater part of his continental dominions, prepared now to take possession of England. But it was not the wish of Innocent that the acquisition which he had so liberally offered, should fall into his hands. Philip Augustus was no submissive son of the Church; and more obedience might be expected from John when he should have been thoroughly intimidated, than from a politic and powerful Prince, who was neither likely to shrink from his resolutions, nor to afford any advantages by his folly. A confidential minister, therefore, Pandulph by name, was intrusted with terms of submission, which, if John should accept, he would find the arm of Rome as powerful to uphold, as it was to pluck down. Philip was assembling his forces at the mouth of the Seine; to oppose them, John collected a more formidable host than had ever been assembled in England, . an army of sixty thousand knights, . . . who here, upon their own ground, might have defied the world, if their hearts had been with the Prince who summoned them. But that unworthy sovereign knew that the bond of allegiance had been loosened, and that at any moment, in obedience to the dreadful voice of the Church, they might forsake him. This well-founded fear was increased