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accord with my views of justice and policy to give away the public lands altogether, as mere matter of gratuity, I am asked by the honorable gentleman on what ground it is that I consent to vote them away in particular instances ?
3. How, he inquires, do I reconcile with these professed . sentiments my support of measures appropriating portions of the lands to particular roads, particular canals, particular rivers, and particular institutions of education, in the West? This leads, sir, to the real and wide difference in political opinion between the honorable gentleman and myself.
4. On my part, I look upon all these objects as connected with the common good, fairly embraced in its object and its terms; he, on the contrary, deems them all, if good at all, only local good. This is our difference. The interrogatory which he proceeded to put at once explains this difference. “What interest,” asks he, “ has South Carolina in a canal in Ohio ?”
5. Sir, this very question is full of significance. It develops the gentleman's whole political system; and its answer expounds mine. Here we differ. I look upon a road over the Alleghany, a canal around the falls of the Ohio, or a canal or railway from the Atlantic to the western waters, as being an object large and extensive enough to be fairly said to be for the common benefit.
6. The gentleman thinks otherwise, and this is the key to open his construction of the powers of the government. He may
well ask what interest has South Carolina in a canal in Ohio. On his system, it is true, she has no interest. On that system, Ohio and Carolina are different governments, and different countries; connected here, it is true, by some slight and ill-defined bond of union, but, in all main respects, separate and diverse.
7. On that system, Carolina has no more interest in a canal în Ohio than in Mexico. The gentleman, therefore, only follows out his own principles; he does no more than arrive at the natural conclusions of his own doctrines; he only announces the true results of that creed, which he has adopted himself, and would persuade others to adopt, when he thus declares that South Carolina has no interest in a public work in Ohio.
8. Sir, we narrow-minded people of New England do not reason thus.
Our notion of things is entirely different. We look
upon the states, not as separated, but as united. We love to dwell on that union, and on the mutual happiness
which it has so much promoted, and the common renown which it has so greatly contributed to acquire.
9. In our contemplation, Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country, — states, united under the same general government, having interests common, associated, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper sphere of the constitutional power of this government, we look upon the states
We do not impose geographical limits to our patriotic feeling or regard; we do not follow rivers and mountains and lines of latitude, to find boundaries beyond which public improvements do not benefit us.
10. We who come here as agents and representatives of these narrow-minded and selfish men of New England, consider ourselves as bound to regard, with an equal eye, the good of the whole, in whatever is within our power of legislation.
11. Sir, if a railroad or canal, beginning in South Carolina and ending in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national importance and national magnitude, believing, as I do, that the power of government extends to the encouragement of works of that description, if I were to stand up here and ask what interest has Massachusetts in a railroad in South Carolina, I should not be willing to face my constituents.
12. These same narrow-minded men would tell me that they had sent me to act for the whole country; and that one who possessed too little comprehension, either of intellect or feeling, -one who was not large enough, both in mind and in heart, to embrace the whole, was not fit to be intrusted with the interest of any part.
13. Sir, I do not desire to enlarge the powers of the government by, unjustifiable construction, nor to exercise any not within a fair interpretation. But when it is believed that a power does exist, then it is, in my judgment, to be exercised for the general benefit of the whole.
14. So far as respects the exercise of such a power, the states are one. It was the very object of the constitution to create unity of interests to the extent of the powers of the general government. In war and peace we are one; in commerce, one; because the authority of the general government reaches to war and peace, and to the regulation of
15. I have never seen any more difficulty in erecting lighthouses on the lakes, than on the ocean; in improving the har
bors of inland seas, than if they were within the ebb and flow of the tide ; or of removing obstructions in the vast streams of the west, more than in any work to facilitate commerce on the Atlantic coast.
16. If there be any power for one, there is power also for the other; and they are all and equally for the common good of the country.
There are other objects, apparently more local, or the benefit of which is less general, towards which, nevertheless, I have concurred with others, to give aid by donations of land.
17. It is proposed to construct a road in or through one of the new states, in which this government possesses large quantities of land. Have the United States no right, or, as a great and untaxed proprietor, are they under no ob.igation, to contribute to an object thus calculated to promote the common good of all the proprietors, themselves included ?
18. And even with respect to education, which is the extreme case, let the question be considered. In the first place, as we have seen, it was made matter of compact with these states, that they should do their part to promote education. In the next place, our whole system of land laws proceeds on the idea that education is for the common good; because, in every division, a certain portion is uniformly reserved and appropriated for the use of schools.
19. And, finally, have not these new states singularly strong claims, founded on the ground already stated, that the government is a great untaxed proprietor, in the ownership of the soil ? It is a consideration of great importance, that, probably, there is in no part of the country, or of the world, so great call for the means of education as in those new states, owing to the vast numbers of persons within those ages, in which education and instruction are usually received if received at all.
20. This is the natural consequence of recency of settlement and rapid increase. The census of these states shows how great a proportion of the whole population occupies the classes between infancy and manhood. These are the wide fields, and here is the deep and quick soil, for the seeds of knowledge and virtue; and this is the favored season, the very spring-time, for sowing them.
21. Let them be disseminated without stint. Let them be scattered with a bountiful broadcast. Whatever the government can fairly do towards these objects, in my opinion, ought to be done. These, sir, are the grounds, succinctly stated, on which my votes for grants of lands for particular objects rest; while I maintain, at the same time, that it is al' a common fund, for the common benefit.
Clarence and Brakenbury. - SHAKSPEARE. Brakenbury. Why looks your grace so heavily to-day?
Clarence. 0, I have passed a miserable night,
I am a Christian faithful man,
Brak. What was your dream, my lord? I pray you tell
Clar. Methought that I had broken from the tower,
As we passed along
Lord ! Lord ! methought what pain it was to drown!
such leisure, in the time of death, To gaze upon
the secrets of the deep?
Brak. Awaked you not with this sore agony?
Clar. No, no! my dream was lengthened after life 0," then began the tempest to my soul ! I passed, methought, the melancholy flood, With that grim ferryman* which poets write of, Unto the kingdom of perpetual night. The first that there did greet my stranger soul Was my great father-in-law, renowned Warwick, Who cried aloud, "What scourge for perjury Can this dark monarchy afford false Clarence ?" And so he vanished.
Then came wandering by
With that, methought, a legion of foul fiends
Brak. No marvel, lord, that it affrighted you; I am afraid, methinks, to hear you tell it.
Clar. Ah! Brakenbury, I have done those things, That now give evidence against my soul, For Edward's sake; and see how he requites me ! O God! if my deep prayers cannot appease thee, But thou wilt be avenged on my misdeeds, Yet execute thy wrath on me alone; 0 spare my guiltless wife, and
children! I prithee, Brakenbury, stay by me;
My soul is heavy, and I fain would sleep. * Grim ferryman, Charon, who, according to the ancient mythology, carried the souls of the dead in his boat across the river Styx and Acheron, to the tribunals of Minos, Æacus and Rhadamanthus.