honor or wounding national pride; and that the way is therefore still open for a renewal of negotiations.

2. That the avowed object of the United States in giving notice of the abrogation of the convention is the determination to assert and maintain their assumed right of absolute and exclusive sovereignty over the whole territory; that Great Britain is fully committed on that point, and has constantly and explicitly declared that such an attempt would be resisted and the British interests in that quarter be protected; and that war is therefore the unavoidable consequence of such a decisive step,-a war not only necessarily calamitous and expensive, but in its character aggressive, not justifiable by the magnitude and importance of its object, and of which the chances are uncertain.

3. That the inconveniences of the present state of things may in a great degree be avoided; that, if no war should ensue, they will be the same, if not greater, without than under a convention; that not a single object can be gained by giving the notice at this time, unless it be to do something not permitted by the present convention, and therefore provoking resistance and productive of war. If a single other advantage can be gained by giving the notice, let it be stated.

4. That it has been fully admitted by Great Britain that, whether under or without a convention, the United States have the same rights as herself to trade, to navigate, and to occupy and make settlements in and over every part of the territory; and that, if this state of things be not disturbed, natural causes must necessarily give the whole territory to the United States.

Under these circumstances, it is only asked that the subject may be postponed for the present; that government should not commit itself by any premature act or declaration; that, instead of increasing the irritation and excitement which exist on both sides, time be given for mutual reflection and for the subdual or subsidence of angry and violent feelings. Then, and then only, can the deliberate opinion of the American people on this momentous question be truly ascertained. It is not perceived how the postponement for the present and for a time can in any shape or in the slightest degree injure the United States.

It is certainly true that England is very powerful, and has

often abused her power, in no case in a more outrageous manner than by the impressment of seamen, whether American, English, or other foreigners, sailing under and protected by the American flag. I am not aware that there has ever been any powerful nation, even in modern times and professing Christianity, which has not occasionally abused its power. The United States, who always appealed to justice during their early youth, seem, as their strength and power increase, to give symptoms of a similar disposition. Instead of useless and dangerous recriminations, might not the two nations, by their united efforts, promote a great object, and worthy of their elevated situation?

With the single exception of the territory of Oregon, which extends from 42° to 54° 40' north latitude, all the American shores of the Pacific Ocean, from Cape Horn to Behring's Straits, are occupied; on the north by the factories of the Russian Fur Company; southwardly by semi-civilized states, a mixture of Europeans of Spanish descent and of native Indians, who, notwithstanding the efforts of enlightened, intelligent, and liberal men, have heretofore failed in the attempt to establish governments founded on law, that might insure liberty, preserve order, and protect persons and property. It is in Oregon alone that we may hope to see a portion of the western shores of America occupied and inhabited by an active and enlightened nation, which may exercise a moral influence over her less favored neighbors, and extend to them the benefits of a more advanced civilization. It is on that account that the wish has been expressed that the Oregon territory may not be divided. The United States and England are the only powers who lay any claim to that country, the only nations which may and must inhabit it. It is not, fortunately, in the power of either government to prevent this taking place; but it depends upon them whether they shall unite in promoting the object, or whether they shall bring on both countries the calamities of an useless war, which may retard, but not prevent, the ultimate result. It matters but little whether the inhabitants shall come from England or from the United States. It would seem that more importance might be attached to the fact that within a period of fifteen years near one million of souls are now added

to the population of the United States by migrations from the dominions of Great Britain; yet, since permitted by both powers, they may be presumed to be beneficial to both. The emigrants to Oregon, whether Americans or English, will be united together by the community of language and literature, of the principles of law, and of all the fundamental elements of a similar civilization.

The establishment of a kindred and friendly power on the north-west coast of America is all that England can expect, all perhaps that the United States ought to desire. It seems almost incredible that, whilst that object may be attained by simply not impeding the effect of natural causes, two kindred nations, having such powerful motives to remain at peace, and standing at the head of European and American civilization, should in this enlightened age give to the world the scandalous spectacle, perhaps not unwelcome to some of the beholders, of an unnatural and an unnecessary war; that they should apply all their faculties and exhaust their resources in inflicting, each on the other, every injury in their power, and for what purpose? The certain consequence, independent of all the direct calamities and miseries of war, will be a mutual increase of debt and taxation, and the ultimate fate of Oregon will be the same as if the war had not taken place.

APPENDIX.

WAR EXPENSES.

THOSE expenses may be arranged under three heads: 1st. Such as are of a permanent nature, and should be considered as belonging to the peace establishment of the country. 2dly. Those which should be adopted when there is an impending danger of war. 3dly. Those which actual war renders necessary.

To the first class belong all those which provide for objects that require considerable time to be executed, and cannot, without great difficulty, be accomplished pending a war. Such are fortifications, building ships of war, including steamers, accumulating materials for the same purpose, navy-yards, providing a sufficient artillery, and other important objects of the Ordnance Department. It may be taken for granted that government has done, or will do, all that is necessary and practicable in that respect.

The preparatory measures which should be adopted when there is danger of war are those respecting which the greatest variety of opinions must be expected. It has been repeatedly asserted that such is the structure of our government that it never will or can prepare for war till after it has actually commenced; that is to say, that, because Congress was dilatory in making effectual provision for carrying on the last war against Great Britain, and because the Administration, at the time when it was declared, was inefficient and not well calculated for conducting it, the United States are bound forever to incur, at the commencement of every war, the disasters of one or two years before they can be induced to put on their armor. The past is irrevocable, and of no other use than as far as it may teach us to avoid the faults that were formerly committed. When our government relies on the people for being sustained in making war, its confidence must be entire. They must be told the whole truth; and if they are really in favor of war, they will cheerfully sustain government in all the measures necessary to carry it into effect. The frank annunciation of the necessity of such measures is called "creating a panic." It is not the first time that, under similar circumstances, the same language has been held. If there be no danger or intention of making war, those create a panic who

proclaim a determination to assert the exclusive sovereignty of the United States over the whole contested territory, with the full knowledge that Great Britain has uniformly and explicitly declared that she would resist any such attempt. If, instead of telling the people the whole truth, the attempt to conceal from them the necessity of the measures requisite for carrying on the war should be successful, a reaction in the public sentiment will most certainly take place whenever it will have become impossible to delay any longer the heavy burden of taxation for which the nation had not been prepared.

I will not dwell on the necessary preparations of a military character, otherwise than by referring to some notorious facts.

The primary causes of the disastrous results of the campaign of 181 were the want of a naval force on the Lakes, and that of a sufficient regular force. Government had obtained a correct statement of the regular force of the British in Canada, with the exception of the garrison of Quebec. This last was estimated at about three thousand men, and could not be lessened without great inconvenience and some danger. The regular force at Montreal, St. John's, and Three Rivers amounted to 1130 men; that in the whole of Upper Canada, to 720. The Act to raise an additional military force of 25,000 men was passed on the 11th of January, 1812. The selection of the officers was not completed before the termination of that year; the recruiting service was not organized in time; the enlistments for the regular army fell short of the most moderate calculation; and the total number recruited was so small as to render it impossible to strike a decisive blow on any one of the most important points, from Montreal upwards, insignificant as was the force by which they were defended. The Volunteer Act was also extremely unproductive. At that time the Treasury was amply supplied; and the want was not that of money but of a regular force.

Such force cannot be raised without money, and yet it will be admitted that it would be extremely difficult to induce Congress to lay internal taxes or duties before war was declared or certain. In order to provide means for having an additional regular force ready to act as soon as actual war takes place, a loan and Treasury notes must be resorted to. But it is deemed absolutely necessary that the internal taxes should be imposed simultaneously with the declaration of war, and that provision should be made for their immediate collection. With the exception of the Act for doubling the duties on importations, Congress did not pass any law for imposing any new taxes or duties till more than one year after the declaration of the last war; nor did it even lay a second direct tax in the year 1814. It was not till after public credit was ruined, after Treasury notes which were due had remained unpaid, and after Mr. Dallas had been placed at the head of the Treasury, that at last the laws for imposing a double direct tax, for increasing the rate of the existing internal duties, and for laying new ones were enacted. The peace was ratified imme