was referred to a Committee of the Whole; R. M. Johnson was chairman, and his most able report in favor of the institution was adopted. On the coming up of the appropriation bill, Mr. Dickerson, of Tennessee, moved to strike out the enacting clause. General Ward then delivered a speech in favor of the institution, which put the subject to rest. He showed conclusively the great importance of keeping alive the military spirit of the country, and throwing off annually among the people numbers of young officers, skilled in military and engineering science, and ready on all occasions to give efficiency to that indomitable spirit which, from the first riflecrack at Lexington to the last shot in Mexico, has pervaded our national militia. How strongly the events of the Mexican war have sustained the sound views of General Ward, is known to all. While that gentleman strongly advocated the preservation of the means of scientific education for officers, in a school open to all, he no less ardently advocated schools for the soldiers. In this view he introduced two resolutions. One was to establish schools at such military posts as should be the station of soldiers enlisted at the ages of sixteen or seventeen, for the purpose of teaching such branches of education as should prepare the soldiers for future usefulness in life. Another was to retain the whiskey portion of the ration, to be paid either in money, equipments, or some suitable badge of honor. Mr. Ward, in enforcing his resolutions, remarked that schools had been established at some of the military posts for the purpose of teaching the children of the soldiers, but not the soldiers themselves; and his information led him to believe those schools had done much good. But in consequence of various alleged evils connected with the army, especially that of desertion, he believed that some powerful moral remedy should be applied.

Against efforts to reduce the army, similar to those which had been directed against the West Point Academy, General Ward opposed the force of his argument and eloquence. A bill was introduced in 1842 for the reduction of the number of privates in the army by about 3000, leaving the officers the same. This General Ward opposed, in a speech which afforded a valuable exposition of the character, services, condition and importance of the army, as connected with the militia and its various systems in the several states. And coming from the lips of one so admittedly familiar with historical and military science, commanded profound attention. The wisdom of his view is evident in the following prophetic paragraph in the speech:

"The chief objection to the reduction had been the state of our foreign relations, especially with England. These had assumed recently a more pacific aspect; but our relations with Mexico remained the same, or were become even more hostile in their appearance. This was a reason against weakening our military force at the present moment. Besides which, there was to be considered the peculiar situation of our brethren in the West and South-west, whose wishes seemed very much opposed to the reduction, especially of the mounted corps."

Four years subsequently, the storm which, with the eye of the statesman, he then saw in the horizon, burst upon the country, which did not fail to benefit by the means he had advocated in relation to volunteers, to the West Point Academy, and the efficiency of the army.

Pursuant to that enlightened view of our national resources for defence, which did not restrict itself to the prejudices of a soldier of the

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"regular army," although he himself had been one of its bravest members, General Ward recognized the fact that ours is a citizen soldiery,—the best, the cheapest, and as brave as any in the world; and while he supported the nucleus of science in the Academy, and a small regular force, he gave full weight to the importance of the volunteer system. His views on this subject were fully and clearly laid before Congress in 1836, upon several occasions, in connection with the service of volunteers in Florida, and the Blackhawk war. The statesman-like views then laid down contrast favorably with the vacillating conduct of certain officers high in command in the Mexican war, who, while professing the most narrow-minded contempt for volunteers, built their fame and fortune on their blood and bravery. Although on all occasions he was the firm and zealous friend of the army, he never allowed his predilections for that arm of the service to blind him to the importance of the other. On the contrary, when, in 1841, Mr. M'Kay, of North Carolina, moved to strike out the enacting clause of the navy appropriation bill, General Ward stepped promptly forward to its defence. He advocated the placing of that arm on an efficient footing, and to increase the pay, more particularly in respect of our West India connections. That net-work of intrigue which England has for so many years been weaving in the islands of the Mexican Gulf, did not escape his attention, and he reminded the House that not only were English agents at work in Texas, Mexico, Mosquito and Cuba, but that the army of 10,000 black troops in the service of England, and officered by whites, had been recently increased to 25,000. That pretended mail steamers, in the pay of the English Government, were accumulating in the Gulf, ready to transport those black troops, and that no opposing American force was there to assert our rights, protect our shipping, or defend our coast. He remarked:

"By reference to the map of the West India mail lines, it will be seen that, in our present defenceless condition, a force composed of armed steamers and troops of that description would not only give great annoyance to our coast, but most effectually and at once put a stop to all communication around Cape Florida, or through the passes of the West Indies, to or from the Gulf of Mexico; and, consequently, the commerce of the great valley of the Mississippi must fall into the hands of the enemy, or its vast productions, cut off from market, be rendered valueless.

"Such being the present attitude of the two nations," said Mr. Ward, "it seemed little less than folly to delay preparing for defence. It seemed to him that to put off preparation for a moment longer, while we were engaged here in acting on subjects of infinitely less moment, was unworthy of the country and its cause. If we are to expect justice from any power, we must put ourselves in a condition to resent injustice."

Throughout that long and severe contest against the corrupt power of the National Bank, which commenced under the administration of General Jackson, and was not effectually destroyed until the defeat of Mr. Tyler's "fiscality," General Ward was the open, bold, fearless and unremitting adversary of a government bank, in all its aspects. Possessed of great financial knowledge, and clearness of perception, he was never misled by change of plan or alteration of names. Fully convinced of the erroneousness of the fundamental principle, he detected it

In 1841, the party newly come to power, after twelve years' retirement, rushed recklessly into alterations of all that had been done, or that had grown up under the three previous administrations. The Independent Treasury law was repealed; the public lands distributed among the States; a special session of Congress called, at great expense; projects for new loans put forward; internal improvement schemes projected, and every means of exhausting the treasury adopted, in order to make a pretence for breaking the solemn pledge of the government in relation to the Tarifi compromise, and returning to the protective theory. Here again General Ward was found the firm supporter of the Jackson policy, which had been so triumphantly sustained by the people. In his speech of July, 1841, he thus ably sketched the course of affairs in relation to the Tariff:

"At the session of 1827-8, this project, thus recommended, was brought before Congress. Mr. W. had then, he said, the honor of a seat here, and he was proud to say that he voted against it; but the measure, after a warm contest, prevailed. This odious act-well called at the time the bill of abominations'—passed this House by the ominous majority of eight votes; the same majority by which the House, at this session, have passed the land bill-another hasty and ill-advised measure, which was destined in like manner to public condemnation. He well remembered, he said, the sensation produced in this body by the annunciation of the final vote on the passage of the bill. There was the stillness of death in the hall while the Clerk was reading the yeas and nays; and when the Chair pronounced that the bill had passed, the deepest excitement prevailed here. He well recollected that, on this occasion, a representative from the South, who was justly esteemed for moderation and dignity of character, as well as for intelligence, rose, under great excitement, from his seat, and declared in an under tone, though loud enough to be heard by many around him, that this oppression was too much to bear, and that he was prepared to advocate secession rather than submit to it. What followed in South Carolina and elsewhere, in consequence of the passage of this odious law, forms a part of the history of the country. It was deemed oppressive, and an abuse of the powers of government, and the people were everywhere resolved on its repeal or modification. It was not only oppressive and odious to the people at large, but it was soon found to be injurious to the very interests which it was designed to benefit. By inducing large investments of capital, and creating an undue competition in several branches of manufactures, it had the effect to embarrass and break down many establishments that were previously in a thriving condition. So loud were the complaints of the country against this act, that it soon underwent a revision. The act of the 14th of July, 1832, was passed, to take effect on the 3d day of March, 1833.

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"The public mind being still unsettled as to this subject, and general dissatisfaction prevailing in the country in regard to the existing tariff, Mr. Verplanck, at the session of 1832-33, brought forward his bill for its modification. The subject attracted universal attention, and the public mind was deeply agitated by the various considerations connected with it. The happy result of the deliberations of the session was the passage of the act of March 2, 1833, to modify the several acts imposing duties on imports, commonly called 'the compromise act.' Mr. W. would now give some facts in reference to the history of this act, which would, he hoped, independently of the considerations which he before presented, render it apparent to the committee that it ought not to be disturbed at the present time. He would be able to show that the faith of the government was pledged, in the most solemn manner, that it should not be disturbed before the 13th June, 1842.

"A measure which was introduced and adopted under such peculiar and impressive circumstances; which was sustained on a principle of mutual accom

modation to all the interests affected by it; which allayed the discord and discontents that then distracted the Union, and which had the approbation of so large a majority of both Houses of Congress, and the concurrence of the executive department of the government, could hardly be regarded as an ordinary act of legislation, which we were at liberty to alter at pleasure. He submitted that it was impolitic and improper to infringe upon the provisions of an act passed under such solemn sanctions. But it is urged on the other side, that one of the provisions of the compromise act is, that nothing in it contained shall be so construed as to prevent the passage, prior or subsequent to the 13th June, 1842, of any act or acts that may be necessary to detect, prevent or punish evasions of the duties on imports imposed by law, nor to prevent, in the contingency either of excess or deficiency of revenue, the altering of the rates of duties on articles subject to duties under the revenue acts. They allege, further, that the contingency thus provided for has happened; and that it is necessary to alter the rates of duties, in order to supply a deficiency in the revenue. But Mr. W. contended that there would be no deficiency, unless the administration chose to make it by alienating a portion of the revenue to objects unconnected with the expenditures of the government. It certainly could not be contended that a deficiency thus created was such a one as the bill contemplated.”

The bill under consideration provided for a tax on coffee and tea, and an increased tax upon sugar, under the name of luxuries. Firmly and heartily did General Ward denounce this burdening of the enjoyments of the poor throughout the land, in order to feed the extravagance of government-jobbers. The faith of the government was, however, broken, and in the Tariff of 1842 the system of monopoly was restored.

In the following year, 1843, his Congressional term having expired, he declined a re-nomination. When, according to the vote of the people, the Constitution of the State of New-York was to be revised, General Ward was of course nominated as a member of the Convention. This honor he declined, but such was the enthusiasm of the people of the county whom he had served so long and so faithfully in Congress, that he was induced to withdraw his declination. His election followed, as a matter of course. In relation to the judiciary and the finances of the State, he displayed, in brilliant speeches, his great ability. Although alive to the importance of the internal improvements of the State, he advocated their prosecution in such a way as to relieve the River Counties of New-York from too oppressive a taxation for their construction.

His constituency were by no means backward in appreciating the great merits of their Congressional delegate, and on the expiration of each succeeding term for which he was elected, the enthusiasm in his favor increased in fervor, and enhanced majorities, ranging, after the first election, from 1,300 to 1,500, swelled the measure of his triumph, and the testimony of public confidence.

In making extracts from the numerous speeches of a long career, we have been attracted less by the flowers of his brilliant eloquence, than by those remarkable passages which disclose the profound forecast of the statesman. General Ward acquired, while in Congress, a high reputation as a presiding officer. In discharging the duties as Chairman in Committee of the Whole, but few men possess greater tact in the despatch of public business, or in preserving order in debate.

Although not ambitious of being heard on any question, he spoke on all proper occasions; and whenever he rose, he shed light upon the subject he discussed.

Throughout his whole career Gen. Ward afforded an eminent example of the patriot. Prompt and eager to offer his blood in defence of his country, and when peace rendered such efforts no longer necessary, his unremitting labors in the cabinet displayed the true character of an American statesman. A practical representative of the interests of his district--by every inhabitant of which he was known and honored-as well as for the interests of the neighboring commercial emporium, which is indebted to him for eminent exertions in behalf of many commercial measures. Prompt and vigilant in behalf of the just rights of his own State, but ready to compromise conflicting interests, and sacrifice himself if necessary for the preservation of the glorious Union and the welfare of great national interests. It is of such men that republics are formed, and through them that the system of self-government becomes successful. If ever we feel desponding in relation to the cause of human progress in Europe, it is when we search in vain for men cast in such a mould.

As a debater, Gen. Ward speaks with grace and fluency. Open, frank and courteous, he left Congress with the cordial respect of all. Although ever faithful to his party, his gentlemanly course never gave his opponents reason to complain of a harsh word or a rude remark.

Gen. Ward is a devoted friend to literature, and has distinguished himself by continued exertion in favor of all institutions whose object is the promotion of knowledge. The village in which he resides is especially indebted to him for these efforts. He is a warm advocate of the poor and the oppressed, as all who know him will bear testimony. The cares of public life, and the weight of political troubles, of which he has borne so considerable a share, have never been so great as to cause him to forget social duties. He is still living, in the vigor and prime of life, and whether he remain in private life or not, long may he live to honor his name, as the soldier, the statesman, the philanthropist and the friend.