sition of Great Britain, a powerful island the recent improvements in the mobility state, isolated by circumstances, and sur- of the Russian army, and the acquiesrounded by potential foes. That the cence of the people in the new conscripGerman chiefs feel this dread in some tion, and she might then reclaim the fashion is evident from the recent mili- Baltic provinces; but the quick defeat tary laws which place the whole popula- of Russia is, from the tenacity of the tion at their disposal, from the large con- national character and the vast depth of cessions they would make to Denmark if the czar's dominions, nearly impossible, she would enter the federation, from the and a long campaign to the eastward anxious desire to remain more than would bring France into the field. It friends with Russia, and from the fre- would, in fact, give the word for the very quent repetition of the threat that were coalition we are assuming Germany to the danger to increase, Germany would dread. The difficulty, too, of inducing not wait to be attacked. The immediate the Hohenzollern family to attack reladanger is always represented as arising tives who have so often helped it, and from the side of France, because Ger- who have shared with it the spoils of mans are more easily moved from that Poland, might prove to be insuperable; side, and because the war of 1870 makes while the Baltic provinces, undefended such a statement reasonable, and conse- and indefensible as they are to the east, quently Englishmen always expect that might prove a most dangerous possession. any blow or menace of a blow from Ber- While, therefore, we hold a spring on lin will be directed first against Versailles. France unlikely unless provoked by VerBut they may be mistaken in that opin- sailles, we deem one upon Moscow nearly ion. The German chancellor, when rea- beyond that list of possibilities which soning on concrete facts, is the ablest, statesmen are warranted in taking into as well as the most daring, statesman in consideration. But is the third member Europe, and he may hold a very differ- of the coalition equally secure? It seems ent view of the situation. It is not to us that if the German government really France he dreads, but a coalition. He saw occasion to put everything once more can fight France easily enough, if France to hazard — an occasion which we do not has no ally. It is not victory he desires, assume, and can hardly believe in its but additional and permanent strength for temptation would lie southward, to spring Germany. To follow his thought, one rapidly and decisively on Vienna, and gain must not watch telegrams or semi-in- ten million more German subjects, before spired leaders, but look around, and see presidents or czars could seriously interwhether any great addition of strength is fere. The risk involved in such an effort to be obtained for Germany; and if so, would be dreadful, for it could only be where. Clearly it is not to be obtained successful if victory were as immediate, in France. Supposing the German gov- crushing, and final as it was in the Seven ernment suddenly to insist that French Days' War; but then victory would armaments should stop, to demand not only not be barren, but would secure Champagne as a material guarantee, and most of the results for which it is asby a supreme exertion of strength to sumed that Germany longs,-security march once more on Paris, what would against coalitions and outlet to the southit permanently gain? Nothing, except a ern world. No power could touch Gerlarger disaffected territory to garrison, many if the Hapsburgs were once driven and a larger population to be kept down to Buda-Pesth, and no power save France by force. Russia would not be weaker would hold such influence in the Medibecause France was occupied, but terranean. From Hamburg to Trieste stronger; the Hapsburgs would not be all would be German. Of course if Ausless hostile because Germany had her Po-tria were a burden such as northern land, but more hopeful; Germany would France would be, Germany would gain not be more fitted for battle, but more nothing; but what chance would there distracted by new and most exhausting be that Austria would be a burden, that labour. Of course the extinction of France would end one of the German difficulties, but how is France to be extinguished without permanent military repression? Nor is the advantage sought to be obtained in Russia. That Germany might beat Russia is conceivable, in spite of the change once accomplished, the southern Germans would be disaffected to the empire to which for so many centuries they belonged? It must be a very small one. No man alive, certainly no outsider, can quite say what is the strength of the bond between the Hapsburgs and their people; but no one either will From The Saturday Review. ROYALISTS AND REPUBLICANS. affirm that in this day loyalty counts for much, or can prove that any race is bound more strongly to its hereditary THE minister of commerce and agriculrulers than the population of Hanover ture is ordinarily one of the least political were to the Guelphs. The German- members of the French government, and Austrians might dislike and yet acquiesce the present minister was put into his in the change; and in the nineteenth century, with its conscriptions, the acquiescence of a population suffices to make its government strong. post rather for what he was outside the Cabinet than for any special services which he was expected to render within it. But the speech which M. de Meaux We do not intend, we need not say, to lately made at a dinner at St. Etienne is accuse the German government of the in some respects the most interesting smallest design against Austria. On the expression of political opinion that has contrary, we have always argued that been heard since the 25th of FebruGermany could secure more, with far ary. Everybody knew what M. Dufaure less danger, by a strict and hearty alli-or M. Wallon would say, and M. Buffet ance with the House of Hapsburg, then was eminently successful in his attempt by any other conceivable combination. at saying nothing. But M. de Meaux The two empires, acting together and represents the Right in the coalition thoroughly armed, could maintain for the majority, and it was at least possible that next century peace in central Europe. he would take the first opportunity that Nor, whatever may be Prince Bismarck's offered itself of bringing out in stronger wishes, is there any probability that the phrases than M. Buffet could venture to Emperor William will attack a friendly employ the anti-republican character of power merely in order to avert a possible the present republic. The opportunity and remote risk of a future combination. has come, and M. de Meaux has not We are only addressing ourselves to that used it. Indeed, he has gone further, large class of Englishmen who will look and has used it for a directly opposite only to one point of the compass, who purpose. Instead of copying M. Buffet, will believe that Prince Bismarck cares and avoiding all mention of the republic, only about France, and who expect from he has described the vote on the Constiday to day, as, for instance, the Stand-tutional Laws as the substitution of a ard appears to do, to hear that a German republican rule, clearly defined, and army is encamped at Châlons. To such armed with regular weapons, for the we say that they may be right, but that, republican rule which has been practiif they are right, the German chiefs, cally established since the fall of the emwhile dreading a coalition - for it is only pire. It may seem a small thing that a a coalition which could put Germany in minister has brought himself to see and tremor-think it best to strike at the admit so patent a fact as this. But the best-guarded point, at the point where recognition of patent facts is by no the fight would be sorest, and at the means a common virtue among French point where there is the least additional politicians, least of all among conservastrength to be obtained as the reward of tive politicians, and M. de Meaux devictory. Is that likely? It may be true, serves credit for breaking through the for Prince Bismarck may one day make a custom hitherto so strictly observed by mistake, like another man; but it is the Right of shutting their eyes to everymuch wiser to assume that he will not, thing which they do not like. M. de that he will, if he breaks out of the ring, Meaux is perfectly frank as to his relabreak out at the weakest point, and that tion to the new republic. He does not if he chooses war, it will be war in which profess to rejoice over the constitutional there is something to be obtained. It is settlement at which the National Assemindefinitely more probable that all the ru-bly has arrived. He took no part, he mours of war which disquiet the Continent are spread to carry the new ecclesiastical laws, but if war is really intended, it is the Hapsburgs, of all men, who, as we calculate, have war to dread. says, in bringing it about, because his “ deepest and dearest convictions" did not permit him to do so; but when once the law had been passed, he was able to take part in giving it effect, because the law has itself taken care to respect all honest convictions, and has only shut the door on coups d'état and revolutions. "On ground which all have not chosen all can find room to sustain the cause of deep or however clear, has any right to impress itself on the form of government until it has become the conviction of the great body of their countrymen. order and liberty," and all, whatever be pass away they should see reason to their political preferences, ought to unite think that the majority of Frenchmen to protect French society against in- have discovered their mistake, and that trigues which compass its destruction. if the Constitutional Laws had to be This profession of faith is a tribute to voted again they would be cast in a mothe wisdom of those Republicans who narchical form, they will not promise not consented to include in the new Consti- to take advantage of this change of temtution a clause providing for its revision. per. Under the Republican Constitution, There was much to be said against the as settled by the vote of the 25th of Febintroduction of such a clause, and it must ruary, there is no need for them to give be admitted that the inconveniences aris- any such pledge. They have only to ing out of it have not yet been fully admit that until this change of temper tested. But against these inconven- comes the republic exists by right as iences, great as they may prove to be, well as in fact. They are not asked to must be set the fact that the concession deny their honest convictions; they are of the right of revision opened a way for only called upon to prove by their acts the adhesion of royalists to the new re-that no conviction of theirs, however public which, without it, would have remained hopelessly closed. There are three degrees of comparison in the royalist section of French society-those who will admit of neither postponement The recognition of the right of revision nor compromise, those who will admit of has made it possible for men to be at postponement but not of compromise, once honest royalists and honest repuband those who will consent to both. licans, and in this combination M. de Those of the first degree are necessarily Meaux sees a prospect of overcoming the ranked as irreconcilables. If they are enemies which have proved too formidanot at this moment striking a last blow ble for all former republics. On the day, for their king, it is only because their he says, on which good citizens and men king and they alike see that such a last of order rise unanimously and march blow could do neither of them anything united the social danger will be averted. but harm. Those of the third degree If M. de Meaux can succeed in commuhave long been willing to co-operate in nicating this belief to French Conservafounding the republic. Their adhesion tives he will have been more instrumental was secured in theory when M. Gambetta than any member of the coalition Cabinet announced that all that the advanced in closing the future against Republican Republicans demanded in an ally was excesses, and their inevitable complea recognition that the republic was the ment, Imperialist reaction. In former only government that remained possible revolutions the Conservatives throughout in France. This recognition was not the country have been inactive either incompatible with the conviction that the from despair or from interest. The maonly possible government was in itself jority of them have thought it useless to an extremely bad one, and only to be take any part in politics, and have preaccepted as being immeasurably better ferred to sit by the stream in the hope than no government at all. But this con- that it would at length run itself out. cession on the part of the advanced Re- The minority have welcomed the excesspublicans did nothing for royalists like es into which this inaction has tempted M. de Meaux. They are willing to ac- the Republicans, because these very except the republic as the legal government cesses made it easier for them to build of France, and in that character to pay it upon the fears of their countrymen the due respect and homage. But they will particular Conservative government which not put aside the hope that time and ex-best ministered to their own advancement. perience may yet bring Frenchmen to a It would be idle to say that the danger to wiser mind. They have no wish to see which M. de Meaux refers has ceased to the republic overthrown by force or un-exist. It is less formidable in many ways dermined by fraud. So long as the than it was, because the elements which Country retains its present temper they compose it have been brought under visiare Republicans, because the majority of ble control, and have no longer the power Frenchmen are Republicans, and conse-of getting the command of public affairs quently the republic is the only govern- by a single blow. It has been proved ment that can be maintained, except by that the party of order is strong enough the sword. But supposing that as years to reduce Paris to subjection, and to keep Lyons in order; and before the mob of From The Spectator. MENTAL EFFECT OF PECUNIARY PRESSURE. the hundred thousand. But formidable as this calculation may seem, it is only formidable so long as the numbers arrayed against these hundreds of thousands are forgotten. The Conservatives of France may be counted by millions. With one exception they have everything that the socialist workmen have, and in far greater abundance. They have means, and organization, and physical strength, and a motive for which to use all these advantages. What they have hitherto lacked is the resolution to fight, which springs from the confidence that will fight with success. All the schemes for reducing the power of the dangerous classes which have been concocted with so much ingenuity have been vitiated by one cardinal error. They have aimed at weakening the revolutionary element in the country, instead of at utilizing and making evident the immensely superior strength of the anti-revolutionary element. Nothing but wholesale massacre can effect the former purpose, inasmuch as the force which makes the socialist workmen dangerous is the force of resolute arms. But the gain to the Conservative cause will be just as great if the socialist workmen are brought to realize the hopelessness of insurrection by contemplating the power of their adversaries as if they arrived at the same result by contemplating their own weakness. This latter conviction it is within the compass of the party of order to convey to their minds. If the French Conservatives will understand that political suyour murderer for greed, even when premacy belongs, and rightly belongs, to confessing, always tries to invent some those who take part in politics, and that higher immediate motive- and which inaction in time of peace means helpless-ought, one would think, to admit most of ness in time of conflict, the republic of the future may be more or less Radical according to the course of events, but in no case will it be Red. THERE are very few men, or at least by Providence or a fairy the fulfilment of very few experienced men, who, if granted some one wish, would not, after deliberthe words "perennial and perfect health." ate consideration, embody that wish in Ill health is such an evil, some forms of ill health comprise in themselves so much of the totality of misery, that very few men who understand the science of life, even if they were capable of deep mental, spiritual, or affectionate feeling, would not ask for health as if it were the sum of blessings. And yet we doubt, studying the record of suicides, whether sickhuman fortitude that is made by pecaniness makes anything like the demand on ary distress, whether half as many people kill themselves in consequence of it, whether it produces anything like the same amount of mental misery. That poor man Hunt, who last week was committed for trial on the charge of murdering his wife and children, or, as he said, much injured by the ill success of his for sending them to heaven, was not so business as he would have been by blindness or a broken back, or any of the worse forms of chronic neuralgia; and yet we all feel that had he been smitten by any of these calamities, he would have submitted quietly where, under pecuniary distress, he took, or tried to take, his fate Except jealousy, there is scarcely any cause of suicide, as revealed in the occasional glimpses the world catches of concealed truths, so potent as pecuniary trouble; and even jealousy seems scarcely to cause misery of an equally acute kind. People commit murder, suicide, forgery, and all the crimes of greed every day under the compulsion of a form of suffering which least excuses their crimes to their own minds into his own hand. the palliative of hope. Jealousy may be incurable, for it may be well founded. Grief may be irremovable, for it may be founded in that most bitter, unending, unalterable sense of want, which a death can produce, and which bites like one of the strange diseases, seldom seen in Europe, in which permanent and savage hunger is one of the first symptoms. Humiliation may be irremovable, for it may be well deserved, yet fall upon a the very moment when the sufferer is nature that can feel it. Pain may be in-waiting to be taught. The suffering is curable, for it may arise from causes permanent, always present, never less, as for instance, in one terrible case we and so is that of pecuniary pressure. know, the protrusion of a small spicula of The man or woman who feels it feels it bone into the brain — which science can always, to-day as yesterday, waking or detect but cannot reach, and which are asleep, in pleasure or pain, and will, he beyond all human power. But pecuniary thinks, feel it yet more intensely to-mordistress can never seem absolutely be- row. It is a terror, and unlike most teryond hope. A mere accident might rors, which grow less as they are steadily relieve it, as has often happened after the faced, it is an accumulative one, the end sufferer, unknowing of the fortune on its seeming ever to draw nearer, till the imway, has taken the fatal plunge; or a agination, weary of suspense, leaps at slight increase of earning-power, or the once to the worst, and realizes on the opening of a new groove in life, or, and Continent starvation, and in England the this is strangest of all, the development, workhouse, as if it had already arrived. constantly seen in women who have lost Either end, if it came at once, would money, of a new power of doing without probably be faced-for men face death wants. Mrs. Gaskell paints that well in or the workhouse as they do not face "Cranford," and we have seen a heavier pecuniary pressure-but the long-confall than even Miss Matty Jenkyns's, a tinued strain is too much for most nerves, fall from £300 a year to £30, met by a and the mind gives way to the pressure sudden slaughter of all needs that bade of protracted despair. The fortitude defiance to pecuniary misfortune. And which could encounter the actual evil is yet there can scarcely be a doubt that worn out long before the evil arrives, and pecuniary trouble is of all troubles the the blow at last descends upon a mind one that most absorbs its victim, that ready to give way at the faintest impact. most completely destroys his strength, It is this long-continued tension which that most certainly evolves the despairing accounts for the strange unreasonablesense of loneliness which is the precursor ness which men in difficulty often show and the cause of suicide. The reason of about their affairs, their inability to bethis special effect of this particular lieve that things can go right, or that trouble, is worth seeking, and is not very they can be mistaken as to the extent of far to seek. Pecuniary trouble is one of the pressure; and also for the still more the very few forms of misery which, while strange desire to remove wife and chilit involves all others or nearly all others dren from the danger involved in the -for it does not always, though it does advancing calamity, the one calamity frequently, involve remorse -is perma- which seems to so many men to turn nently present. Doctors know well that murder into an act of beneficent selfthere is no form of the many mental suf-sacrifice. "What will become of the ferings caused by dyspepsia or by incip-children when I am gone?" is a thought ient insanity so dangerous or so terrible as that known in the profession as timor mortis. The wildest hallucinations may be removed by a careful exposure of their absurdity. The most real terrors may be abolished by the removal of their cause. The most ingenious delusions and delusions are often ingenious, the mind seeming to take an independent pride in proving to itself that its absurdities are not unreasonable-may be lightened of their pressure by adroitness; for example, imaginary heart-disease may cease to frighten when it is accepted and treated as disease of the heart, but timor mortis can be removed only by returning health. No argument can demonstrate that death will not come; no one can keep the signs of death-funerals, for example - from reaching the patient's eyes; no teaching can show that death cannot happen at which tortures many a father and mother, but it is only when the fate dreaded is poverty that the torture becomes so intolerable, that the sufferer in his madness seeks a false relief in unselfish crime. Tension is, we believe, the secret of the insanity so often produced by pecuniary trouble, but the inquiry must still be pushed one step further back. Why is the tension so extreme? Why do men, and especially men just outside the limit of poverty, fear poverty so much more, especially for others, than they fear still graver evils? Why, for instance, will a father, half-maddened by the idea that his daughter will be reduced to manual labour, remain comparatively tranquil when informed that all the symptoms which indicate cancer are present in the object of his affection? The popular answer that poverty in our artificial state of |