low methods to carry on a war and reduce a Country as England has since the commencement of this. This fellow has a range of forty miles, and the most of the inhabitants within it are his friends, (a poor ignorant set); and he was himself a servant in this neighborhood, and always a noted villian. He can muster upon occasions forty odd men, men who have deserved the gallows, (the most of them), and have joined him and become desperate, knowing if they are taken, they will be hung. Their cruelties exceed anything I have heard of, for where they have a pique, they murder men and women. A few days ago he came to a place where there was a wedding, called a young fellow out, shot him on the spot, and endeavoured to make his horse trample on the dead body, but the horse being less of the brute than his master, could not be prevailed upon to do it. He has the advantage of any party that is sent against him, having stolen the fastest running horse in the country, which he keeps always ready for himself and minions.

(To be continued.)

FORMATION OF WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

[A paper read before the State Society of the Cincinnati of New Jersey, February 22, 1897, by Rev. George S. Mott, D.D., First VicePresident of the New Jersey Historical Society.]

The weary and painful struggle of the Revolutionary contest awakened in the heart of Washington the warmest love towards the whole country, and at the close of the war arose deep emotions of patriotic solicitude for the continuance of the gains of victory. These feelings expressed themselves in three special addresses or deliverances.

The first was a circular letter addressed to the Governor of each State, on June 8, 1783. The immediate subject was the difficulties connected with the dissolution of an army of unpaid soldiers. But he proceeded to press upon the consideration of the Governors four points, which he pronounced "The pillars of the Nation." First, an indissoluble union of the States under one federal head of increased energy. Second, a sacred regard to public justice in discharging the obligations assumed by Congress. Third, adoption of a proper peace establishment for the whole country. Fourth, the cultivation of a friendly policy among the people, which should lead to mutual concessions for the general prosperity. This was an admirable preparation for the trying ordeal to which he foresaw they would be subjected.

The second paper was his Farewell Address to the army, when he withdrew from the command thereof, November 2, 1783. This is a paternal farewell to his comrades in arms, full of sympathy, and designed to render them patriotic and patient citizens, even as they had been faithful soldiers amid the privations of many campaigns.

The third notable address is that which is known as "Washington's Farewell Address to the American People,"

and which was put in print September 19, 1796. The intention to issue a patriotic appeal as a farewell was formed in Washington's mind towards the last of his first presidential term; for he desired to retire to private life, and the question had been mooted in political circles whether a President should serve more than one term.

In a long communication, dated May 20, 1792, Washington unbosomed his mind to Madison upon the subject, who was then his trusted friend, one upon whose opinion he placed great reliance. He writes, requesting that, "If the measure in itself should strike you as proper, or likely to produce public good, or private honor, that you would turn your thoughts to a Valedictory Address from me to the public, expressing in plain and honest terms my leave of them as a public man: and I take the liberty at my departure from civil life, as I formerly did at my military exit, to invoke a continuance of the blessings of Providence upon it." Washington then proceeds to outline the thoughts he had embodied, and propounds several queries. He asked Madison to "Consider first, the propriety of such an address. Second, the time when it should appear, and the mode. Third, several matters which should be contained in it, e.g. whether to touch specifically any of the exceptional parts of the Constitution." For the Constitution issued out of confusion and sectionalism, and the swell of the compromise had not yet subsided. This compact did not please the strong Colonies and it did not satisfy the weak Colonies. The best statesmen regarded it with distrust and anxiety. When Washington sent a copy of it to Lafayette, he accompanied it with so timid an endorsement as this: "It is now a child of fortune, to be fostered by some and buffetted by others. What will be the general opinion or reception of it, is not for me to decide, nor shall I say anything for or against it." John Adams wrote, "We have made a Constitution which will keep us from cutting each other's throats for a few years." But of this same Constitution the most eminent statesman of England, Gladstone, has remarked, "The American Constitution is the most wonderful work

ever struck off, at a given time, by the brain and purpose of man.' "9

To this communication Madison replied June 20. He hopes that Washington "will reconsider all the circumstances and consequences," and that he will consent to "one more sacrifice, severe as it may be, to the desires and interests of your country." And then Madison states that he will give, as Washington requested, his opinion on the queries propounded. He writes that such an address is "most desirable." He advises that the time be delayed as long as possible, "to the middle of September." Also that the mode of giving it to the public should be "through the Newspapers." He then formulates a draft of a valedictory address, This draft consists mostly of personal matters, in which Washington is made to express himself in a manner not justified by the suggestions which had been laid down by Washington. He makes Washington dwell on the increasing weight of years, as though he might not be competent for the duties required. His language constitutes a covert excuse of the men who were secretly plotting against Washington. It must be remembered that this draft was prepared when the controversy between Hamilton and Jefferson was approaching the irrecoverable conflict it soon assumed, and Madison was veering towards Jefferson. He touches upon important matters in hypothetical outlines, according as Washington might regard certain subjects from this or that stand-point. (For a comparison of Washington's memoranda and the proposed substitutes of Madison, see John C. Hamilton's "History of the Republic," Vol. VI., Chapter CXXXI.)

But the state of the country was so critical during the summer of 1792 that Washington yielded to the entreaties of those eminent and trusted patriots who predicted dire disaster if he withdrew from public life, and he consented to be nominated again. The infant nation needed the father's fostering care yet longer.

Four additional years passed away,-years of vexatious trial, of perilous complications, and of bitter strife, to such

an extent that the survival of the Union was imperilled. Indeed, only the commanding authority of Washington, his discreet and firm management of public matters, his rare forecast, and the unbounded confidence of the people in his wisdom and unselfish patriotism, prevented such a catastrophe. But now a condition had been reached when Washington believed that he could retire to the sweets of private life with safety to his country. So he expressed it, "The step was compatible with patriotism and long cherished personal desire." And the conviction returned with even greater strength than before, that a Farewell Address to the people would be a proper mode of retiring from office.

The paper of Madison and his own memoranda had lain before Washington during those four eventful years, and we may presume that, from time to time, he had noted thoughts which might be appropriate for this Farewell when he should send it forth. It seems to have been his original intention to retain the substance and form of Madison's draft, and to make such an addition as events and circumstances required, because dangers which lurked on the horizon had developed and assumed a perplexing and threatening aspect during his second administration. But Washington was not clear in his own mind to what extent it would be wise to refer to these, and precisely what points to introduce or to amplify.

Again, therefore, he sought a counsellor. Madison was alive and very influential, but the relations between them were not as confidential as aforetime. Madison was sympathizing with Jefferson, and Jefferson's ideas were so inharmonious with those of Washington that he had retired from the cabinet. Naturally, therefore, Washington turned to the wisest and most generally esteemed statesman of the country, Alexander Hamilton. His judgment Washington highly regarded, and their relations were intimate.

About a month before Congress adjourned, which was June 1, 1796, Hamilton was visiting in Philadelphia; and then Washington, in a conversation with him, disclosed his purpose to issue a Farewell Address, and showed Hamilton