our cause needs not, our religion forbids. No law is more imperative than that of our Lord, which we are especially to remember in seasons of temptation-" Bless them that curse you; do good to them that hate you; and pray for them that despitefully use you, and persecute you. Let us own with candour and with cordial delight every excellence that appears in the Established Churches -let us hail with joy every symptom of improvement which they exhibit-let us pray for their prosperity, as we pray for our own. Doing homage to this divine appointment, "whereto we have already attained, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the same thing," let us cooperate with them, if they will cooperate with us, in every good undertaking, which regard to consistency of principle will allow. And let us not doubt, that although in the progress of the discussions that have begun, there will be, to a considerable extent, a collision of feeling, as well as of opinion, the Redeemer's prayer shall prove more powerful than the passions of his weak and imperfect followers, and the delightful consummation for which he makes intercession shall be accomplished, "that they all may be one, as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me." "For a time it is to be feared there must be conflict and confusion. But from disorder, order will arise. The stream of public opinion, so tranquil in its onward progress, is originally formed of many opposing currents. But, as at the junction of two mighty rivers, though all for a time, amid the conflicting and intermingling waters, be uproar and confusion, at last they find a common issue, determined by the proportion of their respective forces, and with calm and unresisted majesty form a passage to the sea."*

As to the immediate prospects of the dissenters, I am not competent to hazard a decided opinion. On the one hand, the Establishments have in them much talent and worth, and great wealth, numbers and influence; and in this day of their trial, they are very naturally making common cause. In high quarters, the persuasion is deeprooted, that you must preserve the altar, if you would

* Mr. Douglas's Address.

uphold the throne. Besides, there are in every old country, and there are in our own, and they are not without their use in times of rapid change, men of talent, education, and piety, who are yet so wedded to the most absurd abuses, as to employ the whole influence of their talents, and even of their piety, to defend, rather than correct them. There is often a tardiness about our legislators, too, by which they will grant nothing, till it is wrung from them; and St. Stephen's swarms with Honourable and Right Honourable defenders of abuses, which the dullest artizan has long before detected. The Slave trade-Slavery-the Reform question, exemplify this assertion. Evils are not redressed till half a century after the whole country denounces them. Our legislators have been hitherto in the rear, never in the front of the nation; and if the people had not pulled them along with giant strength, while every thing has been in progress, they would have remained stationary, or have fallen back. The stately old ship with her massive bulwarks, and her majestic rigging, encumbered with the number of her hands, and devoted to an antiquated seamanship, sees the low-built adventurer with few to work her, and no useless tackle, yet with resistless power, cutting the waters, and shooting fast a-head; and were the friendly rope not cast aboard, and the old vessel dragged along, she would remain far at sea, lumbering among the billows, long after her swift rival had reached the port, and disembarked the cargo. So that years may pass, and this generation may pass, before any material ecclesiastical change be effected. Nor need this vex us much. Come it will.

On the other hand, there are opposite symptoms. The progress of our opinions is more rapid than the most sanguine of our friends could have anticipated. A goodly proportion of the press is doing its duty extensively. It has been admitted even by the king's ministers, that a large majority of the empire, and a very large majority of the church-going part of it are unconnected with the Established Churches. Even of Scotland, Mr. Douglas remarks," It is obvious to the most superficial observer, that the Church of Scotland, unless some remedy is provided, is, in this part of the country at least, in a rapid

state of decay. We have the bare walls of an Established Church, but the living stones are in every sense absent. The population of the country have gone elsewhere. The Church of Scotland, in several respects, is worse off than the Established Church of Ireland. In the latter country, if the majority of the people are attached to Popery, the wealthier minority profess to adhere to Reformed Episcopacy. In Scotland the wealth of the country has been long Episcopalian." If it be so in Scotland, what must it be in England and Ireland? Both in Scotland and England, members of the Establishment, in growing numbers, have adopted and avowed the opinions of the dissenters, on the propriety of a total separation of the Church from the state; they feel indignant that they who are so well able to support their own institutions, should hang, like paupers, on the state for their support; they are persuaded that it is as unjust, and as mean, for dissenters to be burdened for the building of their Churches and the pay of their ministers, as it would be to tax them, if they could, for the building of their dwelling-houses, or the payment of their domestic expenditure; and they are convinced that the opposite opinions and usages will soon be matter of history, as relics of a half-barbarous age. The intemperate violence of our opponents, too, is forwarding our cause greatly; as their ill-concealed apprehensions betoken its issue. And, finally, the dissenters, have, as yet, made only a partial commencement of their work; their chief exertions remain to be made. Here and there they have moved in Scotland, and some slight demonstrations have been made elsewhere; but even the Scottish dissenters are but partially up, and the might of England remains to be roused. If, then, so much has been effected by these small affairs of outposts, what may not be accomplished when the whole forces advance?

The ecclesiastical structure has been examined,* and it has been found insecure-the national lever has been forced into the wall-a firm fulcrum has been placed— and there is no want of hands. The first jerk has made

* See Parliamentary proceedings respecting the English and Irish Churches.

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the whole fabric totter; and many within are in rage and consternation. Let them come out tranquilly with all their honours, and with all their baggage, for it is not the men, but the system, that must be overthrown. If they will not come out, they must, perhaps with little ceremony, be kindly brought out; for sooner or later the work must be done; one strong pressure of the national might must be applied to the lever-and then the structure will be tossed from its foundation. None will ultimately rejoice more in the result than the worthy proportion of those who shall be dislodged. They will not be houseless, but will quickly find themselves in less stately, but more secure habitations; where they shall be more happily, and more honourably, because more scripturally, accommodated.

APPENDIX.

SINCE the former edition of this Pamphlet was published, the work of Dr. INGLIS in defence of Ecclesiastical Establishments has appeared-a production in every respect worthy of its author. Although he modestly denominates it a Tract, it contains a digest of nearly all that may be urged in defence of Establishments, prepared with care, arranged with much skill, and presenting the arguments, and the replies to objections, with great perspicuity and ability. Its spirit is not less to be admired than its other qualities. There is hardly an offensive expression in the whole book; and yet from first to last it has all the life and energy which may be expected from strong, yet well moderated, feeling. There would be some comfort and hope in controversy were it always managed in this way.

It would be arrogant to presume to reply fully to such a work in the few pages of this Appendix. Indeed as Dr. I. does not profess to advance much, if any thing, that is new, a reply to his arguments has been anticipated in what has been previously written by many in opposition to Civil Establishments of Christianity. I shall only present my readers with examples of the manner in which Dr. I. conducts the arguments, and in which, if I mistake not, even he has signally failed in the leading positions he has taken; and I trust the examples shall be given with fairness and candour.

The reader cannot but be struck with the air of confidence, or rather triumph, with which Dr. I. begins, continues, and concludes. I do not ascribe this to artifice; with Dr. I. it seems to be the natural expression of strong conviction. But as it is not without its effects on certain minds, even in this age when men are little apt to defer to human authority, I shall contrast the second sentence in the Preface of Dr. I. (for thus early does his triumph com