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success offered by work at home. A man who enters the foreign service can only look forward to a salary which is insignificant when compared with that of a railway president or a successful lawyer. The reviewer suggests, too, that if only very young men, as the report proposes, are taken into the service, the question of their expatriation arises. The question, in fact, exists already. It is not good for a man to live continuously outside of his own country, keeping up his knowledge of home affairs only by reading American newspapers and conversing with traveling or non-resident Americans. The home government should, in fact, require its agents to return at stated periods and should put them to work at points where they must come in contact with home affairs.
This book is useful, not only for what it says, but for the discussion which it should arouse, and it is to be hoped that the discussion may become more general than it has been hitherto, for out of it improvement will come.
Histoire de l'Internationalisme. By Christian L. Lange. Kristiania :
l'Institut Nobel Norvegien, 1919. Vol. 1, pp. xv, 520.
In these days when the development of some effective form of international government is of prime importance to all the world, this book is a timely one. It is written, also, by a master-hand. Its distinguished author, the Secretary of the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Storting, technical delegate to the Second Hague Conference, secretary for many years of the Interparliamentary Union, and a publicist eminent in his own country and abroad, was admirably fitted by training and experience to write this, the standard, History of Internationalism. His erudition has enabled him to gather his materials from many and distant sources. The best books relating to his subject in seven languages have been utilized, not only for the best that is in them, but for a condensation and an interpretation which are noteworthy for their clear and luminous incisiveness.
This first volume of the work covers the period from classical antiquity to the Peace of Westphalia. Internationalism, or, rather world-organization, in the ancient world, is discussed in a dozen or fifteen pages which stress Hellenic federation and arbitration and the society of Mediterranean cities known as the Roman Empire. The humanitarian and international ideas of Zeno, Cicero, Seneca, Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius are cited to show the progress, and the backwardness, which characterized the ancient world under Græco-Roman leadership.
Primitive Christianity, the Christian Church and the medieval sects, are passed in review, and their place in the story is reflected from the views of Marcian, Origen, and Lactantius; St. Augustine, Henry of Susa, John of Legnano; the Chiliasts, the Cathari, the Albigenses, the Vaudois, the Lollards, and the Hussites. The progress made towards internationalism and indeed towards extreme Tolstoian and Quaker pacifism, during this period, despite the conflicting forces between and among the various exponents of Christianity, may be estimated from the teachings of William Whyte, a disciple of John Wyclif. Whyte carried the Lollard doctrines to their logical conclusion by condemning all war, even that in defense of one's country, and by opposing the infliction of capital punishment upon any human being.
The champions of the internationalism, or universality, of the Holy Roman Empire are represented by Dante, Marsile de Padua, Engelbert of Admont and Jacques Antonii; while the Papacy's claims are put forward through a clear statement of the views of Thomas Aquinas. The most advanced internationalist ideals during this period, our author finds in the works of Pierre Dubois and King Georges Podiebrad of Bohemia, and in the "Treaty of Universal Peace” of October 2, 1518, concluded between Francis I and Henry VIII, and adhered to later by Charles V; and to an exposition of these ideals he devotes three dozen instructive pages.
One of the most valuable features of this part of the work is a brief but instructive history of mediæval arbitration (pp. 123-130). From this story it appears clear that Novacovitch was right when he noted the decline of arbitration with the rise of the “great powers”; and our author laments the fact that the practice of arbitration should have been so brusquely ended by them. The continued influence of arbitration, however, even though fallen into desuetude, was apparent in the works of such writers as Pierre Dubois. As for the sanction of arbitral awards, the mediæval world had gotten no farther than the advocacy of military force applied by the arbitrator; but even our own age will recognize in this the ruling passion strong in death.
The internationalism of the Renaissance found expression in the Christian humanists, Erasmus (upon whom Dr. Lange bestows enthusiastic but discriminating praise), More, Vives, Clichtove, Nettesheim, Franck, Rabelais, and Montaigne. The three chief impulses of the Renaissance, namely humanism, geographical discoveries, and religious reformation, appear to have had conflicting or confused influence upon the development of internationalism; while the Protestant and the reformed Catholic churches alike failed—as in the days of the early Christian church—to solve the great problem, Bellarmino, Calvin and Luther having contributed but little or nothing towards its solution.
As the heresies of the Middle Age supplied a leaven of genuine internationalism to ecclesiastical orthodoxy, so the Protestant sects of the seventeenth century advanced the standard of internationalism -as of most other beliefs and practices—far beyond the terminus of official Christianity. The Anabaptists, Mennonites, Moravians, Familists, Independents, and particularly the Socinians and Quakers, were the leading non-conformists in the matter of war as in most matters of peace. Radicals though they were, our author evidently regards with a favorable eye and a sense of gratitude such sturdy champions of the international ideal as Menno Simons, Socinus, Fox, Penn, Barclay and Dymond.
How rich the seventeenth century was—both within and without the realm of the church-in writers on various phases of internationalism, our author makes very plain by his discussion of the theories and plans of a round score of dreamers, idealists and planners of various lands. Of these, about one-half are of German and one-half of French descent, and our author attaches most importance among them to Comenius, De la Noue, and the anonymous author of the “Apologie de la Paix.”
The development of international law in the hands of Franciscus a Victoria, Suarez, Gentilis and Grotius, is exceedingly well told in itself, and its basic connection with the internationalism of later times is made very clear.
Finally, more than a hundred pages are devoted to the beginnings of the international organization which is becoming familiar in our time. More than a third of these fall to Crucé, about the same number to Sully, and the rest to Campanella and Postel. Although most readers are here on more familiar ground than is found in many parts of the book, they will appreciate the excellence of the analyses and be impressed by the great promise of the birth and infancy of those ideals of international organization, the approaching realization of which will doubtless be unfolded in the author's much-anticipated Volume II.
WILLIAM I. HULL.
La Situation Internationale de la Grèce (1821-1917). Recueil de
documents choisis et édités avec une introduction historique et dogmatique par CHARLES STRUPP. Zurich: Die Verbindung.
The Balkan Peninsula played a prominent part in the recent World War, not only as an important theater for the war operations of the two great contending parties, but also as a center of European diplomatic intrigue. While the Central Powers, after outwitting their opponents by winning over Turkey and Bulgaria to their side, were straining every nerve to entangle Greece also in their net, the Entente Allies by their inept diplomacy came near losing the coöperation of the Hellenic State in the great struggle.
As is well known, the siding of Greece with the Entente Allies was not effected peacefully. The Hellenic State was shaken to its very foundations because of the autocratic rule established in that country by the ex-King Constantine-the brother-in-law of the former Emperor of Germany-who, disregarding the popular will as expressed by the elections of June, 1915, was secretly working for the interests of the Central Powers and waiting for an opportunity to throw in his lot with them. A great deal has already been written on this subject from the point of view of the Allies, but little attention has been hitherto paid to it by those writing on the German side.
A book which has recently appeared entitled La situation internationale de la Grèce, by Charles Strupp, makes an attempt to fill this gap. The work consists of an introduction of 64 pages, with a collection of diplomatic documents and treaties concerning the Hellenic State from the year 1821, the time of the Greek War of Independence, to the year 1917, the time of the expulsion of Constantine from Greece.
Dr. Strupp in his introduction reviews the diplomatic history of the Greek War of Independence and also gives a summary of the policies at that time advocated by the European Chancelleries, and notes their gradual change to a point of view favoring the liberation of the Greek people from the Turkish yoke.
The Revolution of 1862 which had as an object the overthrow of the Bavarian dynasty in Greece is dismissed by the writer with a few observations regarding the policy of the three Protecting Powers of Greece (Great Britain, France and Russia). He overlooks the very cause which gave rise to that revolution and to the previous one of 1843. As is well known, the expulsion of the late King Otto of Greece was due to his arbitrary rule. The Swiss writer succinctly traces the political events which followed the ascension of the late King George I to the Greek throne, and after referring to the various vicissitudes through which the Hellenic State has passed, he discusses the events which have taken place in Greece during the recent World War.
It is in the course of this last review that Dr. Strupp attempts to justify the conduct of Constantine towards the three Protecting Powers on the plea that the ex-King's only concern was to “keep his country out of war,” or, in a word, to remain neutral. It is possible, indeed, that the very object of the book is to justify the conduct of Constantine during that war. Referring to Constantine as Greece's "grand roi” (Great King), the Swiss writer criticizes the stand taken by the Allies toward Greece. “The political intervention,” he says, "of the so-called 'Protecting Powers' of Greece is nothing but a new manifestation of the tendencies of the Holy Alliance which were characteristic of the history of the nineteenth century.” But it is a travesty of truth when he says that if Greece resisted until she was subjected to the force of foreign guns, this admirable struggle should entitle her to bear the title of champion of international law thus cruelly wounded during this war. Thus we are given to understand that it is the Entente Powers who have violated the law of nations and not Germany and her Allies. According to Dr. Strupp, Mr. Venizelos was only an easy tool in the hands of the Allies. The apologist of Constantine endorses the ex-King's theory that, according to the Greco-Serbian Treaty of Alliance, Greece was not bound to help Serbia when attacked by Bulgaria. The treaty is so explicit on this point, and the circumstances under which it was concluded are so well known, that it is needless to dilate upon this point.
In discussing the expulsion of Constantine by the Allies—who